A HISTORY OF THE
GREAT WESTERN RAILWAY
A HISTORY,
OF THE
GREAT WESTERN RAILWAY
; SEVENTY MILES AN HOUR.'
A HISTORY
OF THE
GREAT WESTERN RAILWAY
BEING
Stor^ of tbc Broafc (Bauge
? A>VS E K O N
AUTHOR OF 'THE EVOLUTION OF OUR RAILWAYS
' A HISTORY OF THE SOUTH EASTERN RAILWAY '
ETC. ETC.
ILL UST RATED
SECOND EDITION
LONDON
DIGBY, LONG & CO., PUBLISHERS
1 8 BOUVERIE STREET, FLEET STREET, E.G.
TO
FREDERICK GEORGE SAUNDERS, ESQ.
(NEPHEW OF THE LATE CHARLES SAUNDERS, ESQ., "&HE ORIGINAL SECRETARY
AND SUPERINTENDENT OF THE G.W.R.)
CHAIRMAN OF DIRECTORS, GREAT WESTERN RAILWAY
AND ONE OF
THE LAST OF THE BROAD GAUGERS
THIS VOLUME IS RESPECTFULLY
Dedicates
BY KIND PERMISSION
PREFACE
IN presenting this History of the Great Western
Railway ', I would remind the reader that it is ' The
Story of the Broad Gauge ' that is here chronicled,
so that while in the first thirty years or so of the
Great Western Railway's existence the work is, de
facto, a ' History of the Great Western Railway,'
for the remaining period up to the present time
it is rather a history of that part of the Great
Western system which was formerly Broad Gauge ;
nor have I attempted in any way to chronicle the
construction or development of the Narrow Gauge
extensions and additions to the original Broad
Gauge trunk lines and branches, although passing
references have been made to some important and
interesting occurrences in connection therewith.
In the ensuing pages, with much diffidence. I
offer my readers the efforts of considerable labour
and research, and am acutely conscious that the
book is not as complete in many respects as I
should like it to be ; but the difficulties that are
encountered in completing such a work as this,
are both numerous and unexpected, and call into
use a large amount of patience on the compiler's
viii Preface.
part — thus, in a newspaper or book, mention will be
made of proposed engineering feats, new locomotives,
improved vehicles, increases of speed, etc., and then
no more information on the subject will be obtain-
able, and it is only after very long research, and
then generally by but an indirect reference in un-
expected places that I have been able to discover
if the innovations or proposals were actually carried
out and the expected results obtained. Much in-
teresting matter of this description I have therefore
had to reject, since, despite considerable inquiry, I
have been unable to discover the result of the
proposed alterations, etc. In some cases, the careful
research, so kindly made by the officials at Paddington,
among the documents in possession of the Railway
Company, has not succeeded in bringing to light the
information required.
Here is another example of wasted energy. At
the commencement of the past year a discussion
arose, in an engineering journal, concerning the
third-class parliamentary fares charged on the Great
Western Railway. I joined in the correspondence,
and promised to devote a chapter of this book to the
subject. After I had gone to considerable trouble in
obtaining full information on the question, the Great
Western Directors decided that from ist July 1894
third-class fares on their railway should be abolished,
and only one penny per mile charged for third-
class passengers. This was clearly a case of ' Love's
labour lost."
Preface. ix
Critical readers will no doubt find that some
errors more or less important have crept into the
work, and I shall feel indebted to any of them
who will point out such slips.
Nor do I expect the opinions I have expressed
in this book to pass unquestioned ; indeed, one of
our most notable railway officials, who did me the
honour of revising the description of an incident
in which he was prominently concerned, at one
part of the account observed ' that is a matter
of opinion only,' so that even he did not in that
particular agree with me. In the railway and
engineering journals to which I contribute, articles
from my pen rightly receive critical treatment from
the readers ; nor is this criticism always of the
most gentle description, as the following extracts
from a critic's remarks will show : —
' Mr Sekon says that Mr should have
profited by the experience of his predecessor,
. . . and should not have brought out the class
as six wheel engines. It is true that the lead-
ing axles bear a great weight, and that one has
already had a bogie substituted, but we may be
sure that Mr knew all about the "Great
Western," and only brought out the new six wheeled
engines after mature consideration of every detail.
Besides, it is surely not for Mr Sekon, or any
other outsider, to criticise . . . the locomotive
superintendent of a great railway. ... I think
it would be hasty, to say the least, to attach the
x Preface.
blame, if blame there be, to the locomotive super-
intendent, as it is quite within the range of
possibility that considerations of expense, or others
of a kindred nature, may have deterred higher
authorities from sanctioning bogies originally for
these engines. . . . Now, I should have thought
that a gentleman who sets himself up to criticise
locomotive superintendents,' etc. ; but although I
answered, and, I think, convinced, or at any rate
silenced, my critical friend, I might have left the
matter in the hands of others — readers of the
journal, several of whom replied to the gentleman's
letter and soundly rated him in more forcible terms
than I could personally have used to him under
the circumstances. I am quite prepared to find
that many readers will differ from me in some
of the conclusions expressed in this book. I
would here remark that I consider the history of
the Great Western Railway of much more interest
than the history of any other railway, for no
other line (save the companies subsidiary to the
Great Western Railway) contains the materials neces-
sary to raise the same excitement as was caused
in engineering and general circles by the con-
struction of the Great Western Railway — for what
other railway engineer was as bold as Isambard
Kingdom Brunei ? Who else proposed, let alone
constructed, a colossal railway with the numerous
and perhaps questionable innovations, which were
so successfully carried out on the Great Western
Preface. xi
Railway ? or what other line has had almost
the whole railway world, and most of the pro-
minent engineers, arraigned against it, as did the
Great Western Railway during the ' Battle of the
Gauges ' ?
It was the fate of the Great Western Railway—
or, more properly speaking, of the 7 feet Gauge-
to have been constructed at an inopportune time ;
had it been proposed a few years earlier, when
railways were yet more undeveloped than they
were in 1835, or even thirty or forty years later,
when the evils of the Narrow Gauge had become
generally acknowledged, the result would have
been different, and we might have seen a general
conversion of the Narrow Gauge to the more
commodious Broad Gauge. Had the ' Quadruple
Treaty' of 1867-72 been fully carried out, and the
Broad Gauge laid down on all the Narrow Gauge
lines, and vice versa in Devonshire and Cornwall, as
was intended, we should have had in operation to-day
a larger mileage of wide gauge lines than existed in
the most palmy days of Brunei's conception.
My grateful thanks are due to F. G. Saunders,
Esq., the Chairman of Directors of the Great
Western Railway, for the honour he has done me
in revising the proofs of this work, and also to
G. K. Mills, Esq., the Secretary of the Railway,
both for information supplied and for help he has
accorded me in supplying correct dates, statistics,
etc. While the great interest both these gentle-
xii Preface.
men have taken in the production of this book
has been most encouraging to me.
In conclusion, I must apologise to the general
reader if he finds I have written in a somewhat
technical strain, for, although I have avoided
railway phraselogy when possible, I fear that, being
used to writing in such terms, I have at times
forgotten myself and indulged in phrases perhaps
somewhat unfamiliar to the general reader. The
only other history of the Great Western Railway
was published forty-eight years ago, and cost
^4, 145. 6d. per copy, so that I think it cannot
be denied that a cheaper and up-to-date work on
the subject is requisite.
And now I leave the story of the Broad Gauge
to my readers' judgment, and hope it may, in
some degree at least, instruct and interest them.
G. A. SEKON.
LONDON, N.
January 1895.
ILL USTRA TIONS
THE UP ' FLYING DUTCHMAN,' ..... Frontispiece
THE ORIGINAL PADDINGTON TERMINUS, 1845, IO
THE BOX TUNNEL, .... 47
BATH STATION, ..,..".. 5°
'THE NORTH STAR,' ...... 52
'THE PREMIER,' ........ 66
ISAMBARD KINGDOM BRUNEI,, ..... 85
SIR DANIEL GOOCH, ... . 95
BRISTOL AND EXETER TANK ENGINE, ..... IQI
A LOCOMOTIVE METAMORPHOSIS, . . . . -193
4 THE HAUNCHBACKS,' A SOUTH DEVON SADDLE TANK, . . 197
BRUNEL'S MASTERPIECE — THE 'ROYAL ALBERT BRIDGE,' SALTASH, . 222
THE BOURTON DISASTER, 1876, ...... 269
THE NORTON FITZWARREN COLLISION, .... 273
'CONVERTED,' ........ 306
'BROAD GAUGE STABILITY,' ...... 309
CONTENTS
CHAP. PAGE
I. — The Inception of the Great Western Railway, . . i
II. — The Construction of the Railway, ... 9
III. — The Opening of the Railway, .... 52
IV. — The Early Broad Gauge Locomotives, . . 64
V. — The Early Development of the Railway, 73
VI . — The Battle of the Gauges — The Broad Gauge Leaders, 84
VI I. — The Battle of the Gauges — Social and Commercial
Battle, ...... 105
VIII.— The Battle of the Gauges— The Parliamentary Battle, . 1 16
IX. — The Battle of the Gauges — The Engineering Battle, . 125
X. — The Battle of the Gauges — The Gauge Experiments, . 134
XI. — The Battle of the Gauges — The Gauge Commissioners'
Report, . . . . . .142
XII. — The Battle of the Gauges— The Parliamentary Battle
Continued, . . . . . .157
XIII.— The Battle of the Gauges— The Mixed Gauge, . . 170
XIV. — The Battle of the Gauges — The Broad Gauge Loco-
motives, ...... 183
XV. — The South Devon Railway, . . . .199
XVI. — The Cornwall Railway, . . . . .218
XVII.— The South Wales Railway, . 4 . .234
XVIII. — The Early Conversion from Broad to Narrow Gauge, . 246
XIX. — The Later Development of the Railway, . . . 254
XX. — The Final Conversion from Broad to Narrow Gauge, . 282
Contents.
CHAP. PAGE
XXI. — Conclusion, ..... 320
XXII.— Appendices —
A. — Report of Great Western Railway Directors to
Shareholders in favour of the Continuance of
the Broad Gauge, .... 325
B. — Report of the Gauge Commissioners, . . 329
C— Mr Brunei's Report to the South Devon Kail-
way Directors urging the adoption of the
Atmospheric System, .... 359
D. — Mr Brunei's Report to the South Devon
Railway Directors advising the withdrawal of
the Atmospheric Principle after one year's
experience of the System.
Index, . . . .
BEING THE
of tbe $roafc (Bauge
CHAPTER I.
THE INCEPTION OF THE GREAT WESTERN RAILWAY.
THE merchants of Bristol, ever in the van of improve-
ment, and always ready to adopt any new measure
that would enlarge their commerce, were among the
earliest of those who clearly saw the great advantages
to be derived from railway communication with other
parts of the country, and especially with London ; the
usual method of transit for goods between the two places
at that time being the Avon and Thames at either end,
and the round-about system of canals connecting at
Bath with the Avon, and at Reading with the Thames.
This water communication provided only a very costly
and very tedious mode of transit, liable to be stopped
by the drought of summer and the frost of winter, so
that for want of a quicker and cheaper connection be-
tween Bristol and London, the manufacturers and
merchants of the former place found themselves shut
out of many of the most important markets for their
merchandise.
As early as 1825, the merchants of Bristol had tried
to form a company to construct a railway to London,
but at that time the general public knew nothing of
steam in connection with railways, so that no support
A
2 A History of the Great Western Railway.
could be obtained, and the proposal was dropped ; but
in the autumn of 1832 a committee was formed which
determined to proceed with the matter, and an en-
gineer was advertised for.
Isambard Kingdom Brunei was advised to apply
for the appointment, and told he was likely to obtain
it, as he was known and popular at Bristol in con-
nection with his attempt to construct a suspension
bridge over the Avon at Clifton, but which had been
temporarily abandoned for lack of funds. He was
also told that the committee would appoint as en-
gineer, the person who guaranteed to construct the
line for the least amount of money. His answer to
this was, — 'You are holding out a premium to the
man who will make you the most flattering promise,
and it is quite obvious that the man who has either
the least reputation at stake, or who has most to gain
by temporary success, and least to lose by the conse-
quences of disappointment, must be the winner in such
a race.' Despite this fearless expression of his views,
he was appointed Engineer March 7th, 1833, and at
once commenced the survey of the country between
London and Bristol. After going over the several
districts through which the line might have been con-
structed, he chose the course now occupied by the
Great Western Railway, and having finished his
surveys in June, no time was lost by the Committee,
for on July 3Oth, 1833. the Mayor of Bristol called
a public meeting of the inhabitants, and it was then
resolved to form a company to construct a railway
from Bristol to London. A local Board of Directors
was formed, the Corporation, Dock Company and
Society of Merchant Venturers each having official
representatives on the Board in addition to the several
general merchants and gentlemen elected Directors at
the meeting. A somewhat similar Board of Directors
was chosen in London, and preparations were at once
made to prepare a Bill for the next session of Parlia-
ment.
The Inception of the Great Western Railway. 3
The prospectus first issued asked for a capital
of ,£3,000,000 to be subscribed, this was to build the
sections of the railway from London to Reading, and
from Bath to Bristol. The Company was duly con-
stituted a month after the issue of the prospectus.
Mr Brunei was exceedingly busy during all this time
till late in the year preparing the necessary plans to de-
posit in Parliament. The Bill ' to construct a railway
from London to Reading, and from Bath to Bristol, as
a means of facilitating the ultimate establishment of a
railway between London and Bristol,' was introduced
in the House of Commons on loth March 1834. At
first the line was proposed to enter London on the
south side of the Thames, but afterwards the Directors
altered their plans, and substituted a viaduct, 24 feet
high with a parapet 6 feet 6 inches high on either side,
to prevent the passengers looking into the houses as
they travelled ; the terminus was then to be at Vaux-
hall on the river bank, abutting on the north end of
the bridge. The Commissioners of Metropolitan Roads
offered strenuous opposition to the Viaduct crossing
Piccadilly.
The second reading was carried by 184 votes to
90, and on April loth, the Bill went before the Com-
mittee, of which Lord Granville Somerset was chair-
man.
On the 1 3th day of the sitting of the Committee,
the Railway Company abandoned the idea of a terminus
at Vauxhall, and instead proposed to locate it at South
Kensington near the ' Hoop and Toy ' Public House.
This gave up that part of the line that passed through
Chelsea, and by this concession the Directors would
have saved ^"80,141 in construction, and also hoped to
prevent the opposition of the noblemen who owned the
property between Brompton and Vauxhall, but with-
out effect, for the counsel who appeared for the Bromp-
ton property owners, objected to the nuisance caused
by a railway being allowed at Brompton, which he
described as ' the most famous of any place in the
4 A History of the Great Western Railway.
neighbourhood of London for the salubrity of its air,
and calculated for retired residences.'
It was proved in evidence that three days at the
very least, and under the most favourable circum-
stances, were required to convey goods from Reading
to London (80 miles) by river, and one day under
the best auspices, from Bristol to Bath. The times
the railway undertook to perform the journey from
London to
h. m. Distance
Slough was 0.45 iSJ- miles
Reading ,, 1.25 36 „
Oxford ,, 2.30 63^-
Swindon ,, 3.0 77 J
Bath ,, 4.10 108
Bristol „ 4.35 n8J „
On the London and Birmingham the trains took, to
Watford, 17^ miles, 59 minutes; Leighton, 40^ miles,
2 hours 17 minutes; Blisworth, 62f miles, 3 hours
and 32 minutes ; Crick, 75^ miles, 4 hours 1 1 minutes ;
Hampton, 100^ miles, 5 hours 35 minutes; and
Birmingham, H2J- miles, 6 hours and 14 minutes.
The London and Birmingham Railway only obtained
their Act of Incorporation on 6th May 1833, so that,
when less than 12 months after, another railway
proposed to travel 6 miles more in i hour 39
minutes less time, it appeared to the public, whose
idea of express travelling was limited to a mail
coach at 10 miles an hour, that such a speed was
utterly impossible of accomplishment, and when Mr
Brunei, in giving his evidence, stated that he hoped
to go by steam at the rate of 100 'miles an hour,
the incredulous laughter and the shouts of derision
were appalling.
Mr Brunei was examined for eleven days, and
the landowners and others who were interested in
the success or non-success of the measure during this
time crowded the committee-room day by day. A
person who was present thus describes Mr Brunei's
The Inception of the Great Western Railway. 5
manner during this searching inquiry. ' His know-
ledge of the country surveyed by him was mar-
vellously great, and the explanations he gave of his
plans, and the answers he returned to questions
suggested by Dr Lardner showed a practical ac-
quaintance with the principles of mechanics. He
was rapid in thought, clear in language, and never
said too much, or lost his presence of mind. I do
not remember having enjoyed so great an intellectual
treat as that of listening to Brunei's examination,
and I was told at the time that George Stephenson
and many others were much struck by the ability
and knowledge shown by him.'
In 1834 a certain wiseacre — Cort by name —
possessed sufficient conceit to publish a work, which
he called Railway Imposition Detected, in which
occurs the following specimen of his far-seeing wis-
dom, or, candidly speaking, of his utter foolishness.
' The Great Western, though probably it may reach
as far as Bath from Bristol, after having, like a mole,
explored its way through tunnels long and deep,
the shareholders who travel by it will be so heartily
sick, what with foul air, smoke and sulphur, that the
very mention of a railway will be worse than
ipecacuanha, especially when the only prospect they
can find the least cheering in the midst of all this
derangement of their stomachs will be a granite
tramway actually in operation alongside of their own
dose of ipecacuanha, ready to follow up the black draft,
so as to get rid of every particle of obstruction with
which the bottoms of their pockets may otherwise
be afflicted.'
All the principal engineers of the time, including
George Stephenson, were called in support of the
scheme, the engineering evidence being forty-two days
before the Committee. The principal points relied
upon for the opposition were, the impossibility of con-
structing the Box Tunnel, and the fragmentary nature
of the proposal before Parliament — it was described as
6 A History of the Great Western Railway.
neither 'Great' nor ' Western,' nor even a 'railway,'
' but a head and a tail of a concern, 72 miles apart,
which would never be joined by a body.' The
authorities of Eton College and the University of
Oxford were among the most vehement of the opposi-
tion ; indeed, after the Bill was thrown out, the Marquis
of Chandos presided over a public meeting at Salt
Hill, Slough, to commemorate the defeat of the measure.
On the fifty-fourth day Mr Harrison, K.C., com-
menced his speech in reply for the promoters, and on
the fifty-seventh day the Committee passed the Bill.
It was then introduced into the House of Lords, and
the second reading was moved by Lord Wharncliffe,
when 30 contents and 47 non-contents voted, and
consequently the Bill was lost, ^"30,000 having
been spent upon the parliamentary proceedings. In
this Bill the gauge was to be 4 feet 8^- inches.
The Directors were not daunted by their non-suc-
cess, and they at once commenced to prepare a new
scheme for the next parliamentary session. The South
Kensington Terminus was abandoned, and in its place,
it was proposed to join the London and Birmingham
line at Kensal Green, and use the 4 miles of that line
thence to Euston, which was to be a joint station. The
capital was reduced to two and a half millions, with
borrowing powers to the extent of ,£833,333, and as
the last Bill, in consequence of only part of the line
being proposed to be constructed, was described as
no railway at all, but ' a gross deception, a trick and a
fraud upon the public, in name, in title, and in sub-
stance,' upon this occasion the promoters undertook
to construct the whole of the line. The second read-
ing took place on March 9th, 1835 (the earliest allow-
able date, according to the standing orders). One
hundred and sixty members voted in favour of the
second reading, and only the tellers on the other side.
Mr C. Russell was appointed the Chairman of
Committee, and a resolution was passed that no evi-
dence was required as to the public advantage of
The Inception of the Great Western Railway. 7
the railway, so that the only evidence the opponents
of the measure were able to bring forward was as to
the bad course adopted for the railway. The Box
Tunnel bogie was trotted out again and made the most
of, and another route, from Basingstoke to Bath, was
described as the best one possible for the railway, as
such a line would avoid ' the monstrous and extraor-
dinary, most dangerous and impracticable tunnel at
Box,' but without avail, for the Bill passed the Com-
mons again, and on May 27th was read the first time
in the House of Lords. The second reading was on
June loth, the voting being 46 contents and 34
non-contents. The Bill then .came before the Lords'
Committee, who heard the evidence in favour
of it for eighteen days. Sergeant Mere weather,
who was leading counsel for the epposition, made a
speech which lasted for four days in opening the
opponents' case, but despite this, the Bill passed safely
through the Committee stage, was read a third time on
August 2/th, and received the Royal Assent August
3ist, 1835. The official title of the Act being 5 and
6 Wm. IV. cap. 107. The preamble of which com-
mences : — ' Whereas the making of a railway from
Bristol to join the London and Birmingham Railway
near London, and also branches to Trowbridge and
Bradford in the county of Wilts, would be of great
public advantage, not only by opening an additional,
certain and expeditious communication between the
cities and towns aforesaid, but also by improving the
existing communication between the Metropolis and
the western districts of England, the South of Ireland
and Wales, and whence,' etc.
No mention of the gauge was made in the Bill, Mr
Brunei purposely having omitted that item. The Pro-
vost and Fellows of Eton College obtained the inser-
tion of a clause forbidding the erection of a station at
Slough, and also requiring the Railway Company to
provide policemen to patrol the line for a certain dis-
tance each side of Slough to prevent the Eton boys
8 A History of the Great Western Railway.
from straying on the line, and so possibly being run
over by the trains, but the Great Western Railway
was not deterred by this clause. Railway directors are
as well able (and generally much better able) to drive
the proverbial coach and four through an act of
parliament as ordinary mortals. The Act said they
were not to build a station at Slough. Very well,
then, they did not do so, but the Act did not enact
that the trains were not to stop at Slough, so for
offices two rooms were hired in a public house ad-
joining the railway at Slough. And from the very
first opening of the line the trains stopped there and
put down and took up passengers, who were doubt-
less a little inconvenienced by having no platform to
alight on, or depart from, but they were able to go to
and from Slough nevertheless.
This quick-wittedness of the Great Western Rail-
way made the Eton College officials furious, and on
the 2d June 1838 they applied for an injunction in
Chancery against the railway for breaking their Act of
Incorporation in stopping at Slough, but the legal argu-
ments of the railway counsel soon made it clear to
the judge, that the Act had been observed and duly
abided by, and the application of the College was re-
fused. The authorities of the Oxford University also
obtained the insertion in the Bill of a clause by which
the station at Oxford was to be erected at a spot as
distant as possible from the Colleges. Thus was the
inauguration of the most colossal railway of our em-
pire established by the law makers of nearly sixty
years ago, adding a profitless burden of ^89,436, 135.
3d. to the capital of the Company.* But every mag-
num opus must be established lex terrce.
The original capital did not suffice to construct
the line, so in 1839 an Act was obtained for raising
;£i, 250,000 stock, and ,£416,000 by way of loan, in
addition to the amount already authorised.
* The amount of money expended in obtaining the Act of In-
corporation.
CHAPTER II.
THE CONSTRUCTION OF THE LINE.
HAVING in the previous chapter dwelt with the several
parliamentary fights, which finally resulted in giving
the Great Western Railway the necessary powers to
construct the line, we will now proceed to chronicle
the building of this remarkable raihvay.
We must recollect, that at this period there was no
settled practice as to the mode of forming a line of
railway, the only real example then existing, being
the Liverpool and Manchester, which was then about
four years old, so that it is not surprising that the
style set by George Stephenson — which style is
acknowledged by everyone — including the greatest
worshippers of this truly remarkable millwright — to
be of a very contracted and niggardly description,—
was not followed. On the other hand, had the
practice of railway construction been settled, for that
very reason Isambard Kingdom Brunei, who was the
last man to follow in the conventional style of other
engineers, would have proceeded with his work in
an entirely independent way, and with a mode of
detail completely his own, as indeed he did in this
instance, and which he carried out in his usual
dauntless manner, well worthy of the master mind
he undoubtedly possessed.
In the previous chapter we mentioned that the
Great Western Railway upon one occasion proposed
to use the Euston Station as a terminus jointly with
the London and Birmingham Railway, the idea being
io A History of the Great Western Railway.
that the former railway should join the latter on the
London side of the present Willesden Junction, or
as the Act of Incorporation defines it, 'in a certain
field lying between the Paddington Canal and the
turnpike road leading from London to Harrow, on
the western side of the General Cemetery.'
This then accounts for the Great Western Rail-
way approaching so closely to the London and
North-Western Railway at Wormwood Scrubs, near
Willesden Junction.
Most writers have stated that the difference in
THE ORIGINAL PADDINGTON TERMINUS, 1845.
gauge of the two lines caused the abandonment of
the proposed joint station at Euston Square, but this
is incorrect, the real reason being a difference between
the two Companies as to their respective rights of
using the 4 miles of line from Willesden to Euston
Square. Although the Company had no Act for the
construction of the line from Wormwood Scrubs to
Paddington, the Directors made but little stir about
The Construction of the Line. 1 1
such an important preliminary, but commenced to
purchase the necessary land and to build the line,
obtaining official sanction for their proceedings after-
wards.
The Act for the extension to Paddington, and for
the erection of the station ' in a certain field at
Paddington,' was obtained in 1836. It will be well
to describe this station at once, since it is the starting
point of the Great Western Railway system. The
original structure was quite a temporary one, the
booking offices being under the Bishop's Road Bridge.
The original station is depicted in the illustration
opposite. The present station was not commenced
till 1849, and was completed in 1854.
It is the Paddington departure platform that is
depicted in Mr Frith's inimitable picture, and one of
the principal figures there portrayed (Mr Craig, the
ticket inspector,) only retired from active service at
the station towards the end of 1893. This picture
always had a great charm for the writer, and when
as a little boy he first went to a boarding school, he
distinctly remembers that, upon being ushered into
the library to see the headmaster, an engraving
of this picture which hung upon the wall completely
engaged his attention, and in a measure drove away
his sense of loneliness and natural desire to return
with his father, although he had never before slept
from beneath the paternal roof.
The platforms are 700 feet long, the width of
the building being 238 feet ; the roof is divided by
two rows of columns into three spans, the outside
ones being each 68 feet wrde, and the middle one
1 02 feet. These are crossed at two places by tran-
septs each 50 feet wide, the total area being 70 acres.
The architecture is a mixture of Italian and Arabesque.
The original cost of this station is stated to have
been ,£650,000. With regard to the levels of the
railway, Paddington Station is 50 feet higher than
Bristol Station. For the first 2%- miles the line rises
1 2 A History of the Great Western Railway.
3 feet per mile. At 2f miles from Paddington the
line was crossed on a level at right angles by the
Birmingham, Bristol and Thames Junction Railway,
incorporated 2ist June 1836. This line is now known
as the West London Railway, and is leased to the
London and North Western and Great Western
Railways jointly for 999 years, from nth March
1845, at a rent of ^1800 per annum.
At this spot the London and North Western and
Great Western Railways are only a third of a mile
apart. The West London line had here an unusual
structure, on the lowest level of which, in a tunnel,
was the railway ; on the ground level, the Paddington
Canal crossing the line at right angles by means of
an aqueduct, and above this a public road bridge
across the canal. This level crossing existed till
1860, when the Great Western Railway, having in
the previous year obtained powers, deviated the rail-
way and substituted an over bridge for the level
crossing. The line rises 4 feet in the mile till the
7-j- mile post is reached, and here we have one of
the many remarkable engineering achievements for
which this line is famous — the Wharncliffe Viaduct.
The Great Western Railway was at the time of its
construction truly described as ' the most gigantic
work, not only in Great Britain, not only in Europe,
but in the entire world,' and taking the Great
Western Railway system in its completeness as it
exists to-day, the words still remain true despite the
very many stupendous engineering triumphs that have
since been gained in other parts of the Universe.
Nor did Brunei himself underrate the importance of
the work he was engaged in, for on the 26th December
1835 he wrote in his diary this short but expressive
sentence : — ' I am engineer to the finest work in
England.'
The first important edifice ' on the finest work in
England ' is this Hanwell Viaduct, called the Wharn-
cliffe Viaduct in honour of Lord Wharncliffe, the
The Construction of the Line. 13
Chairman of the Committee in the House of Lords
that passed the Great Western Railway Bill. It is to
this nobleman's enlightened intelligence that railways
are also indebted for the title of Wharncliffe Meeting,
as applied to the principal statutory meetings of their
shareholders.
The WharnclifTe Viaduct spans the valley of the
Brent, which rises at Mill Hill and, proceeding by a
winding course, enters the Thames at Brentford. The
ravine to be crossed by the railway is 70 feet deep,
and the viaduct is 896 feet long and 30 feet wide ; it
is supported by eight elliptical arches with a spring of
1 8 feet and a span of 70 feet. The piers from which
these arches spring have a broad brick platform as a
foundation, a pair of immense columns rise from these,
and their summits are united by massive architraves,
and so form single piers from which the elliptical
arches spring. When first erected, an engineer thus
described the viaduct : — ' The shafts are brick, but the
capitals are formed of large stone blocks, swelling out
with a gentle sweep, and ending in a massive bold
torus. The architrave is also of stone, and a second
course of stone blocks above it, tapered to an obtuse
angle, serves at once as a finish to the column on the
side view, and as a skew back to both the arches which
spring from it on opposite sides. Each column taken
by itself is thus an architectural whole ; and each pair
connected below by the square basement, and uniting
above in the same architrave, forms a handsome and
consistent pier. The string course above the arches,
by which all these are connected, is of the same kind
of stone — bold, similar in style, but smaller than the
mouldings on the capitals of the piers, and the parapet
is surmounted by a square stone coping. The abut-
ments have a still more solid character, and the whole
produces the effect of strength without heaviness,
massiveness without inelegance, in such perfect har-
mony with the great purposes of railway construction
as to render this bridge a remarkable instance of
14 A History of the Great Western Railway.
successful architectural invention. As a piece of
masonry the work is also perfect ; it is everywhere
accurately formed, well put together, dry, and in good
condition. The arches consist of eight courses of
brick about 36 inches in thickness. No one should
leave this bridge without going under one of the
extreme arches and looking along through the open-
ings in the piers to the other extremity, where he will
see a cyclopean colonnade stretching far away in dis-
tant perspective, and carry away with him a memor-
able and not unpleasing impression.'
Adjoining the viaduct is an immense earth embank-
ment— the largest on the line — being three-quarters of
a mile in length and about 70 feet high, the foundation
being of clay, but composed of all sorts of other things,'
so the Great Western officials used to say. A remark-
able fact in connection with this embankment was its
disappearance. The subsoil on which the clay sur-
face rested was of a treacherous description, and the
immense weight of the materials forming the embank-
ment caused the subsoil to give way, and the clay and
other materials sunk from view, but the continual
pressure of the upper part of the embankment forced
the foundation along the surface of the slippery
stratum, and where this cropped out again the lower
part of the embankment arose on either side of its
original site. Shortly after the viaduct, the line
crosses the Uxbridge Road by a skew bridge of
peculiar design (one of the girders of this bridge gave
way in 1839, but the contractor had to replace it at
his own expense). It was at first partly composed
of wood, and a few years later was burnt down,
but rebuilt afterwards, when it was made entirely of
iron.
The line continues to rise 4 feet per mile till 9f
miles from Paddington is reached, when for half a mile
the line is level ; this is the first summit, and the Pad-
dington and Grand Junction Canals are here crossed
over by bridges. The line then falls for 2^ miles at
The Construction of the Line. 15
the ruling gradient of 4 feet per mile. This brings us
to West Drayton, 13 miles from London, the first
principal station, and the place where the original loco-
motives were delivered by canal and placed upon the
rails under the superintendence of Mr Daniel Gooch,
the first locomotive superintendent of the railway.
The line is level to the 15^ mile post. Shortly after the
* Dog Kennel ' Bridge is passed through, the line falls
at the usual rate till 1 7^ miles are reached, it then rises
2 feet in the mile to the twentieth mile post. The first
portion of the line completed was from West Drayton
to the Dog Kennel Bridge. Slough Station is 18
miles from Paddington, and is the first of the first-class
ones on the line. Acting on the old idea that railways
and trains were only roads and coaches of an improved
description, this station was built on-one side of the line
only, with a single platform at which both the up and
down trains stopped. The station was indeed meant
to be a roadside inn, and the platform the ' Pull
up' for the coaches. Reading, the next important
station, was also built on this principle, and is only
now being modernised. The first section of the line
extended to the London side of the river at Maiden-
head, 23 miles from Paddington. Having reached
this point, it will be well to describe the peculiari-
ties of the original system of permanent way employed
on this portion of the railway, which was of such an
unsatisfactory nature that it was all taken up, resulting
in a dead loss of capital of ,£97,267, 2s. 5d., which was
the cost of relaying that part of the line ; the work was
spread over several years, not being finally completed
till 1846.
But before doing so, we will mention that the first
great point of difference between the Great Western
Railway and other railways was the gauge. No settled
one had been decided, several different ones being in
use, but none were so wide as the 7 feet one adopted by
Mr Brunei for the Great Western Railway. The en-
tire width of the line was 30 feet, made up as follows :—
1 6 A History of the Great Western Railway.
Rails, up and down line, 7 feet
gauge, . . . . .14 feet
Width between up and down line, 6 ,,
Space on the outside of up and
down line, 5 feet each, . . 10 ,,
30 feet
while the extreme width of the Manchester and Liver-
pool Railway was only 19 feet 8 inches.
The original reason given by Mr Brunei for adopt-
ing the 7 feet was, that it would allow of larger wheels
being used, so that the bodies of the carriages fitted in
between the wheels like ordinary road coaches ; only
one carriage, however, appears to have been built on
this principle.
The bridges were 16 feet high as compared with
13 feet 6 inches on other lines ; other points of differ-
ence were the levelness' of the railway compared with
other railways, most of the difference being collected
in two places, at which it was proposed to use addi-
tional engine power ; continuous timber bearings in
place of stone blocks or cross sleepers ; ' bridge ' pat-
tern rails ; and larger radii of the curves. Mr N. Wood
thus describes the original permanent way : — ' The rails
are longitudinal and are 14 to 15 inches wide and 6 or
7 inches thick, and are made of American pine, the
sleepers are 6 inches in breadth and 7 inches deep,
the transverse sleepers 6 inches in breadth and 9
inches deep. These sleepers are stretched across the
line of railway, and to them the longitudinal rails are
secured, the piles in the cuttings are from 9 to 14 feet
in length, according to the nature of the material, and
in the embankments 12 to 30 feet, or of such a length
as that they will reach from the base or formation line
of the railway 6 to 8 feet into the original surface of
the ground. The cross ties are American pine, and
the piles of beech. The piles were driven at intervals
of every 15 feet, and in the middle between the longi-
tudinal rails. In cuttings they are driven from 8 to 10
The Construction of the Line. 17
feet into the ground below the level of the cross
sleepers, and on embankments they must be of such a
length as to be driven about the same depth, or 7 or 8
feet into the original ground. Upon an embankment
of 3 feet they must be, therefore, 10 or 12 feet long;
6 feet, 13 to 14 feet long, and so on, according to the
height of the embankment and the kind of subsoil into
which they are to be driven. The double cross
timbers are laid down 13 inches, and the single timbers
9 inches below the line of the rails. Between the
double timbers, and also at all the other points where
the longitudinal rails intersect the cross timbers, a
piece of wood is interposed, which is pinned to the
cross timbers and upon which the longitudinal rails
rest. The longitudinal rails are then laid down upon
the cross timbers, the upper surface of^which is 3 inches
below the surface of the iron rails ; they are bolted to
the cross timbers with screw bolts and washers.
When the timbers have all been throughly packed up,
and rammed and strained to the utmost, and the
general levels of the whole found to be correct, then
the upper surface of the longitudinal timbers is adzed,
or planed down to one uniform surface. A plank of
hard wood, American elm, oak or ash, about \\ inches
thick and 8 inches broad, is then laid upon the longi-
tudinal timbers, the upper surface being sloped in-
wards at an angle of I in 20. This hard wood plank is
laid on with a good thick bed of tar, and nailed down
with 2 shilling nails, these nails being driven in two
parallel rows, 2^- and 5^- inches apart on each timber,
so as not to interfere with the bolts, the heads of the
nails are well punched in, to allow of planing the wood.
The surfaces of all joints and butts, and the whole of
the bottom and sides of the longitudinal timbers ; all
bolts, washers, keys, spikes and nails, and all other
ironwork are well tarred.
' The rail used weighs from 43 to 44 Ibs. per yard,
and which rests upon and is secured to the hard wood
plank and timbers of the longitudinal sills in the fol-
1 8 A History of the Great Western Railway.
lowing manner : — The upper surface of the hard wood
is planed and levelled, the iron rails are then laid down
perfectly straight, and fitting each other at the joinings
correctly. A space is allowed at each joint for the ex-
pansion and contraction, and the joints are made to
correspond with each other on opposite sides of the
railway. The rail is fastened to the hard wood and
longitudinal sills by screw bolts, a piece of felt being
interposed between the base of the rails and the timber.
The outside screws have square heads, but the inside
screws are made with counter-sunk heads, on account
of the flange of the wheel. The outside screw is tight-
ened until the rail fits close to the timber ; the inner
one is next screwed as tight as possible ; a roller
weighing about 10 tons is then passed two or three
times along the rails, which is followed close by the
screwing, and, consequently, the bolts are thus much
more firmly screwed than could be done by any screw-
driver alone. The rails have a slight bevel inwards.'
As early as 1836 a section of the shareholders,
chiefly those in the north of England, who, in conse-
quence of their location, were probably prejudiced in
favour of the narrow gauge, commenced to complain
of the gauge of the Great Western Railway. This
was in a measure quieted by the Directors' Report,
issued on 25th August 1836; but two years later,
soon after the opening of the line, the agitations broke
out with renewed vigour, in consequence of which Mr
Brunei prepared an elaborate report, defending his
method of construction, etc. We give this report
here, as it fully describes the state of affairs at this time.
REPORT TO THE BOARD OF DIRECTORS OF THE
GREAT WESTERN RAILWAY COMPANY.
\$th August 1838.
GENTLEMEN, — As the endeavour to obtain the
opinions and reports of Mr Walker, Mr Stephenson,
T/ie Construction of the Line. 19
and Mr Wood, prior to the next half-yearly meeting,
has not been successful, I am anxious to record more
fully than I have previously done, and to combine them
into one report, my own views and opinions upon the
success of the several plans which have been adopted
at my recommendation in the formation and in the
working of our line. And in justice to myself and to
these plans, and, indeed, to enable others to arrive at
any just conclusion as to the result which has been
attained, or as to the probable ultimate success or
advantages of the system, it is necessary that I should
enter very fully, I fear even tediously, into a recapitu-
lation of the circumstances peculiar to this railway,
which led to the consideration and adoption of these
plans, which some call innovations and wide deviations
from the results of past experience, but the majority
of which I will undertake to show are merely adapta-
tions of those plans to our particular circumstances.
It will be necessary also that I should refer to all the
numerous difficulties which we have had to encounter,
which have necessarily prevented the perfect working
of these plans in the first instance, but which have been
overcome, or which are gradually and successively
diminishing ; and, finally, I am prepared to show that,
notwithstanding the novelty of the circumstances, and
the difficulties and delays which at the outset invari-
ably attend any alteration, however necessary or de-
sirable, from the accustomed mode of proceeding, and
notwithstanding the violent prejudices excited against
us, and the increased difficulties caused by these pre-
judices, the result is still such as to justify the attempt
which has been made, and to show that in the main
features, if not in all the details, the system hitherto
followed is good, and ought to be pursued.
The peculiarity of the circumstances of this rail-
way, to which I would more particularly refer, and
which have frequently been mentioned, consists in
the unusually favourable gradients and curves which
we have been able to obtain. With the capabilities
2O A History of the Great Western Railway.
of carrying the line upwards of 50 miles out of
London on almost a dead level, and without any objec-
tionable curve, and having beyond this, and for the
whole distance to Bristol, excellent gradients, it was
thought that unusually high speed might easily be
attained, and that the very large extent of passenger
traffic, which such a line would certainly command,
would ensure a return for any advantages which could
be offered to the public, either in increased speed or
increased accommodations.
With this view, every possible attention was paid
to the improvement of the line as originally laid down
in the parliamentary plans. We ultimately succeeded
in determining a maximum gradient of 4 feet per mile,
which could be maintained for the unusual distance
before mentioned of upwards of 50 miles from London,
and also between Bristol and Bath, comprehending
those parts of the line on which the principal portion
of the passenger traffic will be carried. The attain-
ment of high speed appeared to involve the question
of the width of gauge, arid on this point, accordingly,
I expressed my opinion at a very early period. It
has been asserted that 4 feet 8 inches, the width
adopted on the Liverpool and Manchester Railway, is
exactly the proper width for all railways, and that
to adopt any other dimension is to deviate from a
positive rule which experience has proved correct ;
but such an assertion can be maintained by no reason-
ing. Admitting, for the sake of argument, that, under
the particular circumstances in which it has been tried,
4 feet 8 inches has been proved the best possible
dimension, the question would still remain — What are
the best dimensions under the circumstances? Al-
though a breadth of 4 feet 8 inches has been found
to create a certain resistance on curves of a certain
radius, a greater breadth would only produce the
same resistance on curves of greater radius. If
carriages and engines, and more particularly if wheels
and axles of a certain weight, have not been found
Tke Construction of the Line. 21
inconvenient upon one railway, greater weights may
be employed and the same results obtained on a
railway with better gradients. To adopt a gauge
of the same number of inches on the Great Western
Railway as are on the Grand Junction Railway, would,
in fact, amount practically to the use of a different
gauge in similar railways. The gauge which is well
adapted to the one is not well adapted to the other,
unless, indeed, some mysterious cause exists which
has never yet been explained for the empirical law
which would fix the gauge under all circumstances.
Fortunately this no longer requires to be argued,
as too many authorities may now be quoted in sup-
port of a very considerable deviation from this pre-
scribed width, and in every case this change has
been an increase. I take it for granted that in deter-
mining the dimensions in each case due regard has
been had to the curves and gradients of the line which
ought to form a most essential if not the principal
condition. In the report of the Commissioners upon
Irish railways, the arguments are identically the same
with those which I used when first addressing you on
the subject in my report of October 1835.
The mechanical advantage to be gained by in-
creasing the diameter of the carriage wheels is pointed
out, the necessity to attain this, of increasing the
width of way, the dimensions of the bridges, tunnels
and other principal works, not being materially affected
by this ; but, on the other hand, the circumstance
which limits this increase being the curves on the
line, and the increased proportional resistance on
inclinations (and on this account it is stated to be
almost solely applicable to very level lines) ; and lastly,
the increased expense, which could be justified only
by a very large traffic. The whole is clearly argued
in a general point of view and then applied to the
particular case, and the result of this application is
the recommendation of the adoption of 6 feet 2 inches
on the Irish railways. Thus an increase in the
22 A History of the Great Western Railway.
breadth of way to attain one particular object, viz.,
the capability of increasing the diameter of the
carriage wheels without raising the bodies of the
carriages, is admitted to be most desirable, but is
limited by certain circumstances, namely, the gradients
and curves of the line, and the extent of traffic.
Every argument here adduced and every calculation
would tend to the adoption of about 7 feet on the
Great Western Railway.
The gradients of the lines laid down by the Irish
Commission are considerably steeper than those of
the London and Birmingham Railway, and four and
five times the inclination of those on the Great
Western Railway. The curves are by no means of
very large radius, and, indeed, the Commissioners,
after fixing the gauge of 6 feet 2 inches, express
their opinion that, upon examination into the ques-
tion of curves, with a view to economy, they do
not find the effect is so injurious as might have
been anticipated, and imply therefore that curves,
generally considered of small radius on our English
lines, are not incompatible with the 6 feet 2 inch
gauge ; and lastly, the traffic, instead of being un-
usually large so as to justify any expense beyond
that absolutely required, is such as to render assist-
ance from Government necessary to ensure a return
for the capital embarked. As compared with this,
what are the circumstances in our case ?
The object to be obtained, is the placing an
ordinary coach body, which is upwards of 6 feet
6 inches in width between wheels. This necessarily
involves a gauge of rail about 6 feet io|r inches to
6 feet ii inches, but 7 feet allows of it being done
easily ; it allows, moreover, of a different arrange-
ment of the body ; it admits of all sorts of carriages,
stage coaches and carts to be carried between the
wheels. And what are the limits in the case of
the Great Western Railway, as compared to those
on the Irish railways ? Gradients of one-fifth the
The Construction of the Line. 23
inclination, very favourable curves, and probably the
largest traffic in England. I think it unnecessary
to say another word to show that the Irish Com-
missioners would have arrived at 7 feet on the Great
Western Railway by exactly the same train of argu-
ment that led them to adopt 6 feet 2 inches in the
case then before them. All these arguments were
advanced by me in my first report to you, and the
subject well considered. The circumstance of the
Great Western Railway, and other principal rail-
ways likely to extend beyond it, having no connec-
tion with other lines then made, leaving us free from
any prescribed dimension, the 7 feet gauge was
ultimately determined upon.
Many objections were certainly urged against it;
the deviation from the established 4/eet 8 inches was
then considered as the abandonment of the principle.
This, however, was a mere assertion, unsupported even
by plausible argument, and was gradually disused ; but
objections were still urged that the original cost of
construction of all the works connected with the for-
mation of the line must be greatly increased, that the
carriages must be so much stronger, that they would
be proportionately heavier, that they would not run
round the curves, and would be more liable to run off
the rails, and, particularly, that the increased length of
the axles would render them liable to be broken ; and
these objections were not advanced as difficulties
which, as existing in all railways, might be somewhat
increased by the increase of gauge, but as peculiar to
this and fatal to the system. With regard to the first
objection, namely, the increased cost in the original
construction of the line, if there be any, it is a question
of calculation which is easily estimated, and was so
estimated before the increased gauge was determined
upon. Here, however, preconceived opinions have
been allowed weight, in lieu of arguments and
calculations cause and effect are mixed up, and with-
out much consideration it was assumed at once that an
24 A History of the Great Western Railway.
increased gauge necessarily involved width of way,
and dimensions of bridges, tunnels, etc.
Yet such is not the case within the limits we are
now treating of ; a 7 feet rail requires no wider bridge
or tunnel than a 5 feet ; the breadth is governed by a
maximum width allowed for a loaded waggon, or the
largest load to be carried on the railway, and the clear
space to be allowed on either side beyond this. On
the Manchester and Liverpool Railway this total
breadth is only 9 feet 10 inches, and the bridge and
viaducts need only have been twice this, or 19 feet
8 inches; 9 feet 10 inches was found, however, rather
too small, and in the London and Birmingham, with
the same width of way, this was increased to 1 1 feet
by widening the interval between the two rails. In
the space of 1 1 feet allowed for each rail, a 7 feet
gauge might be placed just as well as a 5 feet, leaving
the bridges, tunnels and viaducts exactly the same,
but ii feet was thought by some still too narrow ;
and when it is remembered that this barely allows
a width of 10 feet for loads, whether of cotton, wool,
agricultural produce, or other light goods, and which
are liable also to be displaced in travelling, 13 feet
(which has been fixed upon in the Great Western
Railway, and which limits the maximum breadth under
any circumstances to about 12 feet) will not be
found excessive.
It is this which makes the mininium width actually
required under bridges and tunnels 26 feet instead of
22 feet, and not the increased gauge.
The earthwork is slightly affected by the gauge,
but only to the extent of 2 feet on the embankment,
and not quite so much in the cuttings ; but what in
practice has been the result ? The bridges over the
railway on the London and Birmingham are 30 feet
and the width of viaducts 28 feet ; on the Great
Western Railway they are both 30 feet. No great
expense is therefore incurred on these items, and
certainly a very small one compared to the increased
The Construction of the Line. 25
space gained, which, as I have stated, is from 10 to 12
feet. In the tunnels exists the greatest difference.
On the London and Birmingham Railway, to which I
refer to as being the best and most analagous case to
that of the Great Western Railway, the tunnels are 24
feet wide. On the Great Western Railway the con-
stant width of 30 feet is maintained, more with a view
of diminishing the objections to tunnels and maintaining
the same minimum space which hereafter may form a
limit to the size and form of everything carried on
the railway, than from such a width being absolutely
necessary. Without pretending to find fault with the
dimensions fixed, and which have no doubt been well
considered upon the works or other lines, I may state
that the principle which 'has governed has been to fix
the minimum width, and to make all the works the
same, considering it unnecessary to have a greater
width between the parapet walls of a viaduct, which
admits of being altered, than between the walls of a
tunnel which cannot be altered. The embankments on
the London and Birmingham Railway are 26 feet, on
the Great Western 30 feet, making an excess of about
6|- per cent, on the actual quantity of earthwork. The
difference in the quantity of land required is under half
an acre to a mile. On the whole, the increased
dimensions from 10 to 12 feet will not cause anv
*
average increased expense in the construction of the
works, and purchase of land of above 7 per cent. —
8 per cent, having originally been assumed in my
report in 1835 as the excess to be provided for. With
respect to the weight of the carriages, although we
have wheels of 4 feet diameter, instead of 3 feet,
which of course involves an increased weight quite
independent of the increase of width, and although
the space allowed for each passenger is a trifle more,
and the height of the body greater, yet the gross
weight per passenger is somewhat less.
26 A History of the Great Western Railway.
Tons. Cwt. Qrs. Lbs.
A Birmingham first-class coach weighs 317 2 o
With eighteen passengers at fifteen
to the ton weighs . . .1400
o
or 63 1 Ibs. per passenger ;
A Great Western first-class weighs . 4 14 o o
And with twenty-four passengers weighs 112 o o
o
or 588 Ibs. per passenger ;
And our six-wheeled first-class weighs 6 1 1 o o
With thirty-two passengers weighs .2220
8 13 2 o
or 600 Ibs. per passenger ;
being an average of 594 Ibs. on the two carriages.
This saving of weight does not arise from the in-
creased width, and is notwithstanding the increased
strength of the framing and the increased diameter
and weight of the wheels. I have not weighed our
second-class open carriages, but I should think the
same proportion would exist. As to the breaking of
axles or running off the line, the practical result has
been that, from some cause or other, we have been
almost perfectly free from those very objections which
have been felt so seriously on some other lines.
Far from breaking any engine axles, not even a
single cranked axle has been strained, although the
engines have been subjected to rather severe trials.
One of our largest having, a short time back, been
sent along the line at night when it was not expected,
came in collision with some ballast waggons and was
thrown off the line nearly 6 feet. None of the axles
The Construction of the Line. 27
were bent, or even strained in the least, although the
front of the carriage, a piece of oak of very large
scantling, was shattered.
After ten weeks running, one solitary instance has
occurred of a carriage in a train getting off the line
and dragging another with it, and which was not
discovered till after running a mile and a half. As
the carriage was in the middle of a train, and one end
of the axle was thrown completely out of the axle-
guard, there must evidently have been some extra-
ordinary cause — possibly a plank thrown across the
railway by a blow from the carriage which preceded,
and which might have produced the same effect
on any railway ; and, at anyrate, it was a strong trial
to the axle, which was not broken but merely
restored to its place, and the carnage sent on to
London. The same mode of reasoning, which has
by some been used in favour of the 4 feet 8 inches
gauge, if applied here, would prove that long axles
are stronger than short, and wide rails best adapted
for curves. All that I think proved, however, is this,
that the increased tendency of the axles to break, or
of the wheels to run off the lines, is so slight that it is
more than counterbalanced by the increased steadiness
from the width of the base and the absence of those
violent strains which arise from irregularity on the
gauge and the harshness of the ordinary construction
of rails. In fact, not one of the objections originally
urged against the practical working of the wide gauge
has been found to exist, while the object sought for is
obtained, namely, the capability of increasing at any
future period the diameter of the wheels, which cannot
be done, however desirable it may hereafter be found,
with the old width of rail. This may be said to be
only prospective ; but, in the meantime, contingent
advantages are sensibly felt in the increased lateral
steadiness of the carriages and engines, and the greater
space which is afforded for the works of the loco-
motives.
28 A History of the Great Western Railway.
And here I wish to call your attentions particularly
to the fact that this prospective advantage — this ab-
sence of a most convenient limit to the reduction of
the friction, which, with our gradients, form four-fifths
or 80 per cent, of the total resistance — was the object
sought for, and that at the time of recommending it, I
expressly stated as follows : — ' I am not by any means
prepared at present to recommend any particular size
of wheel, or even any great increase of the present
dimensions, I believe they will be materially increased ;
but my great object would be in every way possible to
render each part capable of improvement, and to re-
move what appears an obstacle to any great progress
in such a very important point as the diameter of the
wheels, upon which the resistance, which governs the
cost of transport and the speed that may be obtained,
so materially depends.'
These advantages were considered important by
you, they are now considered so by many others ; and
certainly everything which has occurred in the prac-
tical working of the line confirms me in my conviction
that we have secured a most valuable power to the
Great Western Railway, and that it would be folly to
abandon it. The next point I shall consider is the
construction of the engines, the modifications in which,
necessary to adapt them to higher speeds than usual,
have, like the increased width of gauge, been con-
demned as innovations. I shall not attempt to argue
with those who consider any increase of speed un-
necessary. The public will always prefer that con-
veyance which is most perfect, and speed within reason-
able limits is a material ingredient in perfection in
travelling.
A rate of 35 to 40 miles an hour is not unfrequently
attained on other railways in descending planes, or
with light loads on a level, and is found practically to
be attended with no inconvenience. To maintain such
a speed with regularity on a level line, with moderate
loads, is therefore quite practicable and unquestionably
The Construction of the Line. 29
desirable. With this view the engines were con-
structed, but nothing new was required or recom-
mended by me. A certain velocity of the piston is
considered the most advantageous.
The engines intended for slow speeds have always
had the driving wheels small in proportion to the
length of stroke of the piston. The faster engines
have had a different proportion. The wheels have
been larger, or the strokes of the piston shorter.
From the somewhat clamorous objections raised
against the large wheels, and the construction of the
Great Western Railway engines, and the opinions
rather freely expressed of my judgment in directing
this construction, it would naturally be supposed that
some established principle had been departed from,
and that I had recommended this departure. The
facts are, that a certain velocity of piston being found
most advantageous, I fixed this velocity so that the
engines should be adapted to run 35 miles an hour,
and capable of running 40 — as the Manchester and
Liverpool Railway engines are best calculated for 20
to 25, but capable of running easily up to 30 and 35
miles per hour ; and fixing also the load which the
engine was to be capable of drawing, I left the form
of construction and the proportions entirely to the
manufacturers, stipulating merely that they should
submit detail drawings to me for my approval. This
was the substance of the circular, which, with your
sanction, was sent to several of the most experienced
manufacturers. Most of these manufacturers of their
own accord, and without previous communication from
me, adopted the large wheels as a necessary con-
sequence of the speed required. The recommenda-
tion coming from such quarters, there can be no
necessity for defending my opinion in its favour ;
neither have I now the slightest doubt of its correct-
ness. As it has been supposed that the manufacturers
may have been compelled or induced by me to adopt
certain modes of construction or certain dimensions, in
3O A History of the Great Western Railway.
other parts by a specification — a practice which has
been adopted on some lines — and that these restric-
tions may have embarrassed them, I should wish to
take this opportunity to state distinctly that this is not
the case. I have, indeed, strongly recommended to
their consideration the advantages of having very
large and well-formed steam passages, which generally
they have adopted, and with good results ; and with
this single exception, if it can be considered one, they
have been left unfettered by me (perhaps too much
so) and uninfluenced, except, indeed, by the prejudices
and fears of those by whom they have been sur-
rounded, which have by no means diminished the
difficulties I have had to contend with. The principal
proportions of these engines being those which have
been recommended by the most able experimentalists
and writers, and these having been adopted by the
most experienced makers, it is difficult to understand
who can constitute themselves objectors, or what can
be their objections. Even if these engines had not
been found effective, at least it must be admitted that
the best and most liberal means had been adopted to
procure them ; but I am far from asking such an
admission. The engines, I think, have proved to be
well adapted to the particular task for which they
were calculated, namely, high speeds — but circum-
stances prevent their being beneficially applied to this
purpose at present, and they are, therefore, working
under great disadvantages. An engine constructed
expressly for high velocity cannot, of course, be well
adapted to exert great power at a low speed ; neither
can it be well adapted for stopping frequently and re-
gaining its speed. But such was not the intention
when these engines were made, neither will it be the
case when the arrangements on the line are complete ;
in the meantime our average rate of travelling is much
greater than it was either on the Grand Junction or
Birmingham Railway within the same period of the
opening.
The Construction of the Line. 31
I have but one serious objection to make to our
present engines, and for this, strange as it may seem,
I feel that we are mainly indebted to those who have
been most loud in their complaints — I refer to the
unnecessary weight of the engines. There is nothing
in the wide gauge which involves any considerable
increased weight in the engine. An engine of the
same power and capacity for speed, whether for a 4
feet 8 inch rail or for a 7 feet rail, will have identically
the same boiler, the same firebox, the same cylinder
and piston and other working gear, the same side
frame, and the same wheels ; the axles and the cross-
framing will alone differ, and upon these alone need
there be any increase, but, if these were doubled in
weight, the difference upon the whole engine would be
immaterial. But the repeated assertion, frequently
professing to come from experienced authorities, and
repeated until it was supposed to be proved, that the
increased gauge must require increased strength and
great power, was not without its indirect effect upon
the manufacturers. Unnecessary dimensions have
been given to many parts, and the weight thereby
increased — rather tending, as I believe, to diminish
than to add to the strength of the whole. I thought
then, and I believe now, that it would have been
unwise in this case to have resisted the general
opinion and taken upon myself the responsibility
which belonged to the manufacturers ; but I need
not now hesitate to say that a very considerable
reduction may be effected, and that no such unusual
precautions are necessary to meet these anticipated
strains and resistances — such being, in fact, imaginary.
It cannot surprise anybody that under such circum-
stances attention was more occupied in endeavouring
to meet these imaginary prejudiced objections, than in
boldly taking advantage of the new circumstances, and
that a piece of machinery constructed under such dis-
advantages was not likely to be a fair sample of what
might be done. I am happy to say, however, that the
32 A History of the Great Western Railway.
result of the trials that have been made has entirely
destroyed all credit in these alarmists with the manu-
facturers, and that we may hope in future to have the
benefits of the free exercise of the intelligence and
practical knowledge of engine manufacturers. The
mode of laying the rails is the next point which I
shall consider. It may appear strange that I should
again in this case disclaim having attempted anything
perfectly new, yet regard to truth compels me to
do so. I have recommended, in the case of the Great
Western, the principle of a continuous bearing of
timber under the rail, instead of isolated supports—
an old system recently revived, and as such I described
it in my report of January 1836, the result of many
hundred miles laid in this manner in America, and of
some detached portions of railways in England, was
quite sufficient to prove that the system was attended
with many advantages ; but since we first adopted it
these proofs have been multiplied — there need now be
no apprehension. There are railways in full work,
upon which the experiment has been tried sufficiently
to prove beyond doubt, to those willing to be con-
vinced, that a permanent way in continuous bearings
of wood may be constructed, in which the motion will
be much smoother, the noise less, and consequently —
for they are effects produced by the same cause — the
wear and tear of the machinery much less. Such a
plan is certainly best adapted for high speeds, and this
is the system recommended by me and adopted on
our road. There are no doubt different modes of
construction, and that which I have adopted as an
improvement upon others may, on the contrary, be
attended with disadvantages. For the system I will
strenuously contend.
But I should be sorry to enter with any such de-
termined feeling into a discussion of the merits of the
particular mode of construction. I would refer to my
last report for the reasons which influenced me, and
the objects I had in view in introducing the piling ;
The Construction of the Line. 33
that part which had been made under my own eye
answered fully all my expectations. Here the piles
did answer their purpose, and no inconvenience re-
sulted from their use. The difficulties which we have
since encountered, the bad state in which the line was
for a considerable time, and which is only recently im-
proved, have undoubtedly been aggravated, if not
caused by these piles ; but not as I believe from a
defect in the principle, as applied in our case, where
the line is mostly in cutting, or on the surface, but from
defective execution ; for notwithstanding the determin-
ation to allow sufficient time for this most important
operation, yet, to make up for previous delays and loss
of time, it became necessary at last to force forward the
work more rapidly than was at all consistent with due
care in the execution ; and during the whole of this
period I was most unfortunately prevented by a serious
accident from even seeeing the work almost until the
day of opening, when I ought to have personally sup-
erintended the whole. I do not mean that the work
was neglected by those whose duty it was to supply
my place — far from it ; but in such a case a new work
cannot be properly directed, except under the eye of
the master. Following exactly the plan which had
succeeded on the first piece completed, several serious
faults were committed. A much greater density and
firmness of packing is required than was previously
supposed ; the mode of packing adopted, and the
material selected, in the first instance, have proved
defective elsewhere ; and over a great extent in the
line, particularly in the clay cuttings and where the
work was at last most hurried it has been badly ex-
ecuted. But many parts have stood well from the
commencement ; others are fast improving, and I have
the satisfaction, although a very painful one, of seeing
that, if in the first instance, a foundation of coarse
gravel had been everywhere well rammed in before the
timbers had been laid, and the packing formed upon
this, we should from the outset have obtained as solid
34 ^ History of the Great Western Railway.
a road as we have now over a great part of the
line.
What we have been able to effect since the open-
ing of the line has necessarily been a slow, expensive
and laborious operation. We have been compelled to
open the ground, and excavate it to a depth of 18
inches under the longitudinal timbers, and this without
interrupting the traffic, to remove the whole of the
material thus obtained from off the line, and to replace
it by coarse ballast ; and not having the means of
sufficiently consolidating this ballast by ramming while
the timber is in its place, the packing has to be re-
peated once or twice after it has been compressed by
the passing of the trains. This new packing, however,
does stand, and in a few weeks I expect the line will
be in a very different state from that in which it has
been, or indeed now is.
From what I have described as the result which
can now be, and might have been, obtained from the
commencement, it will be inferred that I am disposed
still to defend the system of piling. I certainly could
not abandon it from conviction of its inefficiency, for I
see proofs of the contrary ; and I feel that under
similar circumstances I could now prevent the mischief
which has occurred. Upon that portion of the line
where the permanent way must next be formed, piling
could not be resorted to, the ground being a solid hard
chalk for many miles. I had intended, however, re-
commending the same principle, but in a different
form, holding down the longitudinals by small iron
rods driven into the chalk ; but the same objection
could not exist, because the chalk cannot yield under
the timbers like clay, or even gravel. But I should
wish most anxiously to avoid anything like an obstinate
adherence to a plan, if the object which I believe
essential can be obtained by other means, particularly
when that plan being my own, I may be somewhat
prejudiced in its favour. I find that the system of
piling involves considerable expense in the first con-
The Construction of the Line. 35
struction, and requires perhaps too great a perfection
in the whole work, and that if the whole or part of this
cost were expended in increased scantling of timber
and weight of metal, that a very solid continuous rail
would be formed. For this as a principle ; as for the
width of gauge, I am prepared to contend, and to stand
or fall by it, believing it to be a most essential improve-
ment where high speeds are to be obtained. As re-
gards the expense of forming the permanent way on
this principle, I am quite prepared to maintain what I
have on a former occasion advanced, that, even on
the system which we have adopted between London
and Maidenhead, the total cost, does not materially
exceed that of a well-constructed line with stone blocks.
I did not in the outset make an exact estimate of the
cost of either mode ; I was unable to obtain the cost,
which has actually been incurred on other lines, but a
comparative estimate was made, and the result of that
comparison led me to state that the one might exceed
the other by ^500 a mile. The actual cost of our
permanent way appears, by the detailed account which
has been made out, to have been above ^9000, includ-
ing expenses of under-draining and forming the sur-
faces, which cannot be included in the cost given in
other cases because that drainage (though I believe
generally forming part of the plan) is not yet con-
structed. This sum includes the sidings at the
stations, switches, joints and other contingencies, and
also the expenses incurred during the first month
of working the line, and which, as I have before stated,
consisted in removing and replacing work which had
been improperly executed. These items will make a
considerable reduction ; and besides these, larger reduc-
tions may be effected in parts of the work which were
new, and from the circumstances naturally attending a
first attempt were not so economically conducted as
they might be, or, indeed, as they were towards the
close of the works, when the different parts were let
by contract. Taking the prices at which the work
36 A History of the Great Western Railway.
was latterly actually executed, ^8000 per mile would
be a liberal allowance for our future proceeding, even
adopting the same system ; and with a modified system,
such as that suggested of simple longitudinal bearings
of large scantling, and a rail of 54 pounds per yard, at
the present high price of iron, the cost, calculated
upon our actual past expenditure, would not exceed
^7400 per mile. This I am aware is a larger sum
than that which has usually been assumed as the cost
of the permanent way. I cannot prove that others
have cost more, or even so much as this, as I have
nothing but the published accounts to refer to ; but
this I can state, and prove if necessary, that rails and
blocks, such as are now being adopted on the Man-
chester and Liverpool Railway, would upon our lines
cost at least as much. The prime cost of rails and
chairs delivered on the line would alone amount to
half the money ; and nothing is perhaps more certain
than that the experience of other lines within the last
two or three years has proved that this part of the
construction of a railway is unavoidably much more
expensive than was ever calculated for at the time
our estimates were made. — I am, Gentlemen, your
obedient Servant, I. K. BRUNEL.
But the dissentient shareholders „ pressed for an
inquiry, and Mr John Hawkshaw of Manchester and
Mr N. Wood of Newcastle-on-Tyne were requested
to report as to whether any advantages were obtained
from increasing the width of the gauge. If any, to
what extent and at what additional cost, and if the ad-
vantages (if any) were equivalent to the increased cost
of forming the railway on this plan ? Mr J. Walker,
the then President of the Institution of Civil En-
gineers, and Mr Robert Stephenson were also asked
to prepare a report on the subject, but both declined
to do so. Mr Hawkshaw's and Mr Wood's reports
were delivered in the autumn of 1838. Mr Brunei
sent in an answer on i3th December 1838. Then
The Construction of the Line. 37
Mr Wood made another report which is dated i8th
December 1838. Mr Brunei's answer to Mr Wood's
second report was published on 27th December. The
Directors thereupon addressed the circular to the share-
holders which contained their opinions on the con-
troversy, which were favourable to Mr Brunei, and
they decided that ' upon a deliberate reconsideration
of all the circumstances affecting the permanent wel-
fare of the undertaking, divesting the question of all
personal partialities or obstinate adherence to a system,
unanimously acquiesce in the abandonment of the
piles, in the substitution of a greater scantling of
timber, and of a heavier rail, retaining the width of
gauge, with the continuous timber bearings, as the
most conducive to the general interests of the Com-
pany.'
The directors also required Mr Gooch to prepare
them a report on each locomotive, which he did, con-
demning their construction, but pointing out that it
was quite possible to build engines suitable for the
Broad Gauge. His report resulted in the Directors re-
quiring him to prepare designs for a suitable class of
engines. These new engines formed the celebrated
' Firefly' class.
The meeting of the shareholders to consider these
reports was held at the London Tavern, and was ad-
journed till Qth January 1839. The Directors pro-
posed this resolution : — ' That this meeting, deeply
sensible of the disastrous consequences inevitably
arising from repeated discussions as to the principles
acted upon in carrying on the work, do request the
Directors to adhere to the principles laid down in the
report as most conducive to the permanent welfare of
the proprietors.' To this proposition an amendment
was proposed, — ' That the reports of Mr Wood and Mr
Hawkshaw contain sufficient evidence that the plans
of construction pursued by Mr Brunei are injudicious,
expensive and ineffectual for this professed object,
and ought not to be persevered in.' On the division
38 A History of the Great Western Railway.
only 6145 votes were given for the amendment, and
7792 against it, so that the Directors' resolution was
carried by the large majority of 1647 votes. Nor was
any other attempt ever made to alter this decision of
the shareholders. There were two circumstances
which greatly influenced the shareholders in arriving
at the above conclusion, one the fact that Dr Lardner
had conducted the experiments on behalf of Messrs
Hawkshaw and Wood, but at that time the doctor's
conclusions had not much weight, for he had often
publicly affirmed that it was impossible for a steam
vessel to cross the Atlantic, when in 1838 several had
successfully performed the voyage. He also stated
that the Broad Gauge engine ' North Star' could not
haul more, travelling at 45 miles an hour, than 15
tons, when, the next day, Mr Gooch travelled with
her at that rate with a load of 50 tons. So no wonder
the shareholders were rather dubious as to the result
of his gauge experiments.
The other circumstance which influenced the share-
holders was an exceedingly ingenious pamphlet written
by Mr G. Clark, one of the Great Western engineers,
in which he mercilessly satirised the whole inquiry.
In describing the line when first opened one writer
thus refers to this inquiry : — ' The advantages of the
Broad Gauge are : —
' i. It gave the power of constructing more power-
ful engines, by which greater speed for pas-
senger trains and greater tractive power for
heavy goods trains were obtained.
' 2. It gave more space for the convenient ar-
rangement and beneficial proportions of the
machinery as well as for convenient access to
it. In all these points difficulties had been
found on the Narrow Gauge, and the com-
pulsory restriction of so important a dimen-
sion as the width between the rails has been
a bar to any improvements of great magni-
tude or comprehensive nature.
The Construction of the Line. 39
'3. It gave, even with the overhanging carriage,
the facility for obtaining large wheels, and
consequently diminishing the axle friction
without sacrifice of stability.
' 4. The greater width of base for the carriages to
rest on gave increased steadiness and smooth-
ness of motion, particularly at high speeds.
It was the impulse given by the increase of
speeed and comfort obtained without difficulty
on the Broad Guage which had led to the chief
improvements introduced in railway travelling.
' 5. Greater safety was secured, particularly at high
speed, from the greater stability of position,
due to the wider base producing increased
steadiness and diminishing the chance under
exceptional circumstances of the derangement
of any part of the train.
* 6. While the Broad Gauge was but little more
costly than the Narrow, the width of the
works being determined not by the width
of the rails but by the width of the carnages,
and the extra cost of rolling stock being very
small, the Broad Guage could not be worked
more economically under parallel circum-
stances than the Narrow.
'7. It gave the facility of using broader vehicles
with equal steadiness in cases where the
extra breadth would be useful, though the
extra breadth was by no means an ' essential
part of the scheme.' *
A well known engineer, writing at this time on the
result of this inquiry, said : — ' One great advantage
results to the public from the investigation which has
taken place into the merits of this railway, proving
the very defective condition of the system of rail-
* While Mr Herapath, the railway authority of that time, said, —
" Experience has proved 4 feet 8£ inches to be too small, but we
are not aware it has yet proved that 7 feet is too large,"
40 A History of the Great Western Railway.
ways generally, rendering it the imperative duty of
railway companies to avail themselves of the sugges-
tions and improvements of others besides their own
people. If it has the effect, therefore, of breaking
down the spirit of domination and exclusiveness at
present existing which forbids the introduction of
other methods than the crude and original ideas of
Stephenson and Company, such a conclusion is well
obtained at the expense and noise this inquiry has
created, and must be regarded with satisfaction by
every well-wisher to the railway system.'
In the Appendix will be found the various reports
alluded to in this volume.
Proceeding with the description of the construction
of the line, Maidenhead Skew Bridge is the next to
claim attention, of this bridge and the Box Tunnel
(to be considered later on) we believe it can be
truthfully said that more has been written than
about any other engineering success of the nine-
teenth century. The great peculiarity is the extreme
flatness of the arch, which was erected in brickwork.
Mr Hawkshaw recommended stone being used as
being more likely to make the Abridge secure. The
bridge consisted of only two elliptical arches, each
of 128 feet span, with a spring of only 24 feet 3
inches. There were also four smaller arches for the
passage of flood water, the centreing from one of these
being removed before the cement had set, caused the
arch to give way. The opponents to this style of
bridge construction made such an outcry about the
accident that the contractor was so frightened that he
begged of Mr Brunei to allow him to give up his
contract. Mr Brunei, however, proved to him, by
simple geometrical figures and diagrams, that his
method of construction was quite correct. After
this untoward event one of the newspapers, which
prided itself upon being an authority on railway
matters, each week used to send a commissioner to
Maidenhead to report upon the defects of this bridge,
The Construction of the Line. 41
and his emphatic statement was, ' That the bridge
could not stand alone, it was only supported by the
centreing, and when they were removed the bridge
would fall.' One Saturday morning the paper came
out with strictures much stronger than usual on the
instability of the bridge ; it so happened, however,
that the previous night there had been a severe
storm, and the wind had blown down the wood
centreing, and, as Mr Gooch says, ' before the paper
was in the hands of the readers the arches were stand-
ing alone, and have stood well ever since/ Indeed,
so proud are the Great Western Railway of this
bridge that, after standing fifty years, they have
such respect to the memory of its brilliant designer
that in carrying out the widening of the line from
Maidenhead to Didcot, the Company have built a
similar bridge to Brunei's famous one, parallel with
it ; and to insure the quality of the work, instead of it
being let to a contractor as the rest of the widening
was, the Company built it so as to make sure of good
workmanship and unity of design. So far has the
idea been carried out that, finding the original bridge
has settled about an inch, the new one is not built
a true ellipse, but is the same amount out of the
correct form.
This widened bridge was opened for traffic on ist
February 1893. There are now four lines of rail over
the bridge, the level of the rails being only 40 feet
above that of the river beneath. The following is a
very clear and interesting account of this famous bridge
written soon after the work was completed: — 'To the eye
familiar with geometrical beauty, the perfect execution
of an elliptical arch on so large a scale, and so high a
degree of eccentricity, is no common gratification ; but
when the practical mechanician considers, from his point
of view, the difficulties and risks which must have
attended its construction — when he reflects that this
beautiful outline is wholly formed of insignificant little
bricks, 4^ inches wide by 2f inches thick, each course of
42 A History of the Great Western Railway.
which on this enormous span has not only to carry its
own weight, but its proportion of the road and the
train — when he considers the strains to which these
materials are thus exposed, and remembers that in such
circumstances they are subject to a pressure that must
approach very nearly to the extreme limits of cohesion,
then, indeed, and only then, will he sufficiently appreci-
ate the courage and the capacity which have approached
so near to the verge of possibility without transgressing
its bounds.
' Let him examine the structure closely, and he will
see that the most perfect execution and the soundest
materials, with the most judicious arrangement, could
alone have secured its success, for at certain critical
points there may be observed some delicate displace-
ments, nowhere exceeding a quarter of an inch in ex-
tent, sufficient nevertheless to show that courage carried
further might have been rashness. As it is, this ex-
ample is one which it is impossible not to admire, but
which it would be imprudent to imitate.'
The following table gives some interesting statistics
of the two great brick works on this line.
Material — Brick. Wharncliffe. Maidenhead.
Cost, .... ,£40,000. ,£37,000.
Total length, . . . 896 ft. 778 ft.
Breadth, . . . . 30 ft. 30 ft.
Height, . . 70 ft. 40 ft.
Span, . . . 70 ft. 128 ft.
Spring, . . . 1 8 ft. 24 ft. 3 ins.
Thickness of piers at foot, 13 ft. 6 ins. 30 ft.
Thickness at spring, . 10 ft. 6 ins. 8 ft.
Arch at haunch, . . 5 ft. 9 ins. 7 ft. 6 ins.
Arch at crown, 3 ft. 5 ft. 3 ins.
There are 4 miles of rather deep cuttings between
Maidenhead and Twyford, while beyond Twyford the
cutting towards Reading is about 40 feet deep. It was
originally proposed to make a tunnel here, but the
The Construction of the Line. 43
idea was abandoned and the deep cutting substituted.
Reading was one of the principal stations built with
but a single platform, which it still retains. We
believe that this and Cambridge are the two remain-
ing examples of the early desire to make the inter-
mediate stations like roadside inns.
After Reading the line crosses the river and then
runs along a narrow gorge worn out of the surface by
the action of the river, shut in on one side by the water
and on the other by the chalk cliffs of the gorge. Pang-
bourne was the next station, after which the railway
recrosses the river and arrives at Wallingford Station,
3 miles from the town of that name. The next station
was Steventon, 56 miles from Paddington. The first
53 miles from London exhibits one of the great advan-
tages of this line, viz., the freeness from curves, and
an almost level stretch of railway, the gradients no-
where exceeding 4 feet per mile ; the gradients beyond
are not so good, for as Swindon is the summit level, and
is 253 feet above the London Terminus, there remains
147 feet to be climbed in the next 24 miles, which is
done as follows : — First, 4 miles from Didcot, 7 feet
per mile ; \\ mile level ; \\ mile 8 feet per mile ; and
from the sixtieth to the sixty-ninth mile, a uniform
gradient of 7 feet ; 3 miles more have a rise of 5^- feet ;
and with the remainder at 6 feet 4 inches, the summit
is reached near Swindon, where the Cheltenham Union
line branches off to the North.
There was at first only one station, Farringdon, 63!
miles from London, between Steventon and Swindon.
The village of Swindon then had a population of 1742
souls, but the Great Western Railway quickly caused
a new town to spring up by determining on locat-
ing its engineering works there, which now rank with
the largest in the kingdom. Mr Gooch selected
Swindon for the purpose, it being a convenient place
to change engines, in consequence of it being the
summit level of the line, and also as being the junction
for the Cheltenham and Great Western Union Rail-
44 A History of the Great Western Railway.
way. In 1840, when the site was selected, the whole
neighbourhood was a long expanse of green fields, and
the spot where the trains now wait ten minutes so that
the passengers may obtain refreshments, should they
feel so inclined, is identically the same as that where
Mr Brunei and Mr Gooch had an al fresco picnic in
the summer of 1840. Rather a different view meets
the eye to-day. The liberality of the Railway Com-
pany soon built a church, schools, and an institute, for
the accommodation of the workmen and their families,
and also paid the stipend for the clergyman and
the salaries for the school teachers out of the revenue
of the Company, and provided a park and cricket
ground as well. The inhabitants of New Swindon
long suffered from the circumlocution of the Govern-
ment in many ways, which greatly retarded the de-
velopment of the town, All letters addressed to New
Swindon, which adjoins the railway station, were sent
to the post office at Old Swindon (two miles distant),
and delivered from there, and the same plan was
adopted with letters sent from New Swindon, resulting
in a delay of about two hours each way ; while a work-
man who wanted to post a letter in time for the even-
ing mail had to get a half-day off, and take it to the
post office at Old Swindon before 6 P.M., although
the mail did not leave the station for many hours after.
Mr Acworth truly says, — 'A description of a
corner of the works would furnish enough matter to
fill a volume.' We, however, append his description
of a few of the secondary pursuits here carried on.
' In one place we came upon a whole gang of harness-
makers diligently stitching. They are only making
head-stalls for use in the Company's stock of horse-
boxes. In another place we find that, even in the
matter of economy, the Broad Gauge is not wholly with-
out advantage. A lattice-work girder, 124 feet long
and 12 feet 6 inches high, is being riveted together,
and is going to be sent down to Bristol in one piece,
to form part of a new widening of the line that the
The Construction of t tie Line. 45
Severn Tunnel has rendered imperatively necessary.
Portable riveters, in shape and size like a horse-collar,
opening and closing at the pointed end, hang sus-
pended from above, and are fed with water through
flexible coils of copper tubing. Each machine per-
forms the work of a dozen lusty boiler-makers and
strikers.
' When we cross the rails into the carriage shops,
we begin to wonder whether the skilled mechanic will
not ere long be an extinct species. Here we come
across a boy of fourteen making curtain rings out of
flat discs of wood by a process somewhat similar, and
implying about as much mental or bodily exertion as
is required to squeeze oil paint out of a collapsible
tube. Close by a second boy looks on while a copy-
ing lathe reproduces, with a scrupulous accuracy that
the most skilled hand - turning could never hope to
rival, the thickenings and taperings of the oval-shaped
handle of a platelayer's pick. A little further on a file,
alone and unattended, has taken a band-saw in charge,
and is sharpening its teeth, while two studs, nudging
alternately from opposite sides, give them the requisite
"set." We turned to the foreman, and inquired how
long it would be before the saw would be taught to
get up off the table after the operation and go back to
its work. His reply was, — "Well, sir, they do say
that a man only wants a hammer and a glue pot to
build a railway carriage nowadays." But if the glue
pot has so far remained outside the range of influence
of steam power, its brother the paint pot has already
succumbed, for one shop we found in sole possession
of a small engine that was assiduously grinding and
mixing paint. It is true there was a man looking on,
or, as he would doubtless have arrogantly described
himself, " in charge ; " but the engine went on with its
task with a quiet self-confidence that brooked no inter-
ference.'
The area of Swindon Works now amounts to 208
acres, and 9360 hands are permanently employed. On
46 A History of the Great Western Railway.
the whole line there were only 10,000,000 cubic yards
of cuttings — much less than on any other line of the
same magnitude. Of the material excavated very little
should have gone to the spoil banks ; but the line
was constructed at high pressure and in much less
time than any other railway, between 6000 and 7000
men being constantly engaged upon it during con-
struction. Under such circumstances as these was
an embankment made just beyond Swindon Station.
The Company having purchased some land, brought
the wet, saturated clay to form the embankment, so
that, with a change of season, it could not be made
stable, till at last they drove rows of piles on each side,
and chained them together with chain cables, and so
confined the slippery soil. They drove these piles-
tall beech trees — 20 feet into the earth, and to this
day every train passes over tons of chain cables hidden
beneath the ballast.
In the 42 miles from Swindon to Bristol, the line
falls 275 feet, most of which is concentrated in two
places — Wootton Bassett and Box Tunnel. Both of
these it was at first intended to work by the help of
bank engines, the gradients being considered too
severe for one engine. This was one great point in
Mr Brunei's system. Instead of making the road up
and down banks at all parts, which would check the
speed, and require all the engines to have a large re-
serve of power to mount them, he made the whole
line as level as possible, and put all the inclina-
tion together, so that it could be overcome by the
slight additional cost of a bank engine. For the
first 8 miles from Swindon there is a total fall of 50
feet ; the Wooton Bassett Bank is i \ miles long, and
falls i in 100, or 66 feet in all ; for the next 4 miles
the line falls i in 660, and then rises at the same rate
till the entrance of Box Tunnel, 98^ miles from
London. Chippenham was the next station to Swin-
don, from which place it is 17 miles distant.
We now come to the Box Tunnel, the first on the
The Construction of the Line.
47
line, 983- miles from London. In whose words shall
we describe it ? So many authors have fully written
of its wonders, that we fear our one more will be de
trop. The great thing in connection with it, is, that
throughout its entire length the line falls i in 100;
this falling gradient is in all 2 miles 660 yards in
THE Box TUNNEL.
length. In Our Iron Roads, Mr Williams tells the
following anecdote in connection with this tunnel : —
' On one occasion some of the Directors of the
Great Western Railway were inspecting the works at
the Box Tunnel, and several of them resolved to
descend a shaft with Mr Brunei and one or two other
engineers, who mentioned the incident to the writer.
48 A History of the Great. Western Railway.
Accordingly, all but one ensconced themselves in the
tub provided for that purpose — he declined to accom-
pany them. His friends rallied him for his want of
courage, and one slyly suggested, " Did your wife
forbid you before you started ? " A quiet nod in
response intimated that the right nail had been struck,
and the revelation was received with a merry laugh.
But as the pilgrims found themselves slipping about a
greasy, muddy tub, jolting and shaking as the horses
stopped — by whose aid they were lowered, — and how
at length they were suspended some 1 50 feet from the
bottom, till the blastings that had been prepared
roared and reverberated through the " long drawn
caverns," more than one of the party who had laughed
before wished that they had received a similar pro-
hibition to that of their friend above, and that they
had manifested an equal amount of marital docility.'
Box Hill, through which the tunnel passes, rises
abruptly to a height of 270 feet above the level of the
rails, and for 2^- miles the approach is through a con-
tinuous and deep cutting. The tunnel is 3123 yards,
or nearly 2 miles long ; the clear width is 30 feet, and
the height 25 feet; the surface of the land at each
entrance is about 70 feet above the level of the rails.
The cost of the brickwork per yard was about 433.,
the cutting at the entrance contained above a million
and a half of cubic yards of very various materials,
and this with the tunnel formed one of the most
troublesome and tedious works on the line.
George Stephenson was one of the witnesses
called by the promoters of the Great Western Rail-
way. The counsel who cross-examined him asked
the railway pioneer if it would not be dangerous to
travel through the Box Tunnel. George Stephenson
replied, ' I wish you had a little engineering know-
ledge, you would not talk to me so.' Counsel, ' I feel
the disadvantage.' George Stephenson, ' I am sure
you must.' This counsel, however, was not crushed
by Geordie's sarcasm, for in his speech he refers to
The Construction of the Line. 49
this tunnel thus: — 'The noise of two trains passing
each other in this tunnel would shake the nerves of
this assembly. I do not know such a noise. No
passenger would be induced to go twice.' When the
line was opened these old wives' tales as to the dangers
of the tunnel had a considerable effect on timid pas-
sengers, for they left the trains at the stations each side
of the tunnel, and posted by chaise to the next station
on the other side, where they regained the later
trains. Even when the tunnel had been safely worked
for some years, a scare was raised that it was not safe,
and the Government ordered an inspection and report,
but this document was in every way favourable to the
stability of the tunnel. When the railway mania was
at its height, a prospectus writer took advantage of
the then dying-out timidity of travellers, and in de-
scribing his proposed line to Bristol he states that
travellers will prefer the new line, as by using it they
will avoid the danger of travelling through the unsafe
Box Tunnel.
In 1847, for the greater safety of the trains, the
electric telegraph was laid through the tunnel, and
what has since developed into the block system was
introduced into the signalling of the trains through
the tunnel.
In consequence of the severe falling gradient, the
down rails through the tunnel were canted inwards, so
that they in a measure wedged the wheels of the
trains and partially retarded their progress.
Another short tunnel succeeds the Box one, the
descending gradient still being 52! feet per mile,
but the rest of the fall to Bristol is very slight, 97
feet being spread over 17 miles, or an average of
about 5^- feet per mile.
The whole of the gradients on the line are thus
divided : —
Miles. Yards.
Level or incline not exceeding 4 feet in mile, 66 88
Above 4 feet ,, „ 8 ,, 47 no
D
50 A History of the Great Western Railway.
Miles. Yards.
Steep inclines, Wootton Bassett, i in 100, i 550
Box Tunnel incline, i in 100, 2 660
The Bath Station is io6j miles from London,
after which is a viaduct of 65 arches, each 2© feet
span built of Bath stone. Between this point and
Bristol is the most interesting part of the railway,
so far as the construction is concerned. The line
crosses the Avon by a timber skew bridge, the most
oblique ever built of wood, and proceeds along the
Twerton Embankment to the station of that name,
BATH STATION, SHOWING THE ORIGINAL BROAD GAUGE CARRIAGES.
1 08 miles down. Next we have the Saltford Embank-
ment, 20 feet high and if miles long ; then Saltford
Station and Tunnel, the latter 480 feet long, and would
have been longer but for a landslip at the commence-
ment, which removed the necessity for a part of the
tunnelling. This accident gave Brunei an opportunity
of showing his artistic skill ; to hide the chasm formed
by the fall of earth, he built a fine Gothic arch en-
The Construction of the Line. 51
trance to the tunnel, with pseudo ruined towers each
side, over which ivy was trained, and so completed
the idea of a ruined castle, which the entrance to the
tunnel resembles.
After Keynsham Station is the Pennant Cutting,
70 feet deep, through the hard Pennant sandstone.
The Brislington Tunnel follows; it is 1049 yards long,
30 feet wide and 30 feet high. There are two other
cuttings, one 158 yards, the other 350 yards long.
Then crossing the Avon by a stone bridge we arrive
at the Temple Meads Station at Bristol, the original
terminus of the Great Western Railway.
In connection with the construction of a portion
of the line near Bristol, the Company was engaged
in a long and expensive lawsuit with a contractor
named Ranger. Under the contract with him entered
into in 1836, if the work were not proceeded with to
the satisfaction of the Company's engineer, after due
notice, should the work not be expedited, the Company
was entitled to enter into possession of the whole of
the effects of Ranger on the line and finish the work
itself. In 1838 the railway gave the notice and seized
Ranger's plant, valued by him at ^70,000. He then
commenced legal proceedings against the railway, and
after going through the various Courts, the case was
settled by the House of Lords in 1847.
CHAPTER III.
THE OPENING OF THE RAILWAY.
THE first experiment with a Broad Gauge locomotive
was made by Mr Gooch on gth January 1838, when
the ' Vulcan ' was tried on the only part of the line
then completed, which was from West Drayton to the
Dogkennel Bridge. The celebrated 'North Star'
THE 'NORTH STAR.' An Original Broad Gauge Engine (originally built for a
Russian 6 feet Gauge Railway).
commenced her career on the 7 feet gauge on the
1 5th January; she was brought by barge to Maiden-
head, and placed on the line there. The next day
the Great Western Railway officials had a dinner
party in honour of the event at West Drayton — then
the headquarters of the locomotive department. Of
52
The Opening of the Railway. 53
this event, Mr Gooch remarks, — ' Some Irish gentle-
men took more wine than was good for them, and
amused themselves by dancing an Irish war dance on
our hats, which happened to be piled up in a corner of
the room. I was rather disgusted with the termination
of our dinner, and resolved never to have anything to
do with another. I was one of the stewards/
It was on the 3ist May that the Directors made
their first trip by railway over the line, and finding
everything well prepared for the public opening,
it was arranged that the section from the tem-
porary station at Bishops Road to the riverside
station at Maidenhead (the present Taplow one)
should be opened at once.
On June the ist, other experimental trips were
made ; the ' North Star ' took a train containing 200
passengers the whole distance (22^- miles) in 47
minutes, or at the rate of 28 miles an hour, the return
journey being made in 35 minutes, which was at the
rate of 36 miles an hour.
On the same day another train performed the down
journey in 44 minutes.
The next day, in preparation for the opening for
general use, the full service of trains (eight each way
per day) was run.
On 4th June 1838, 'the broad way that leads to
destruction/ for a distance of 22^- miles, was opened to
the public as the Great Western Railway. How
jubilant must have been any Narrow Gauge partisans
who happened to travel by the first train, and how
well we can imagine the shaking of the heads, and
the significant ' I told you so/ when in the morrow's
newspapers the wider circle of the Coal Mine Gauge
adherents read of the rather unsatisfactory result of
the first trip.
Mr Gooch says of the engines that the ' North
Star ' and the six engines from the Vulcan Foundry
were the only ones he could depend upon.
The './Eolus ' was the one chosen to draw the first
54 A History of the Great Western Railway.
train, which consisted of seven vehicles, viz., two first-
class carriages, three closed and two open second-class
ones, and a truck, on which was mounted a posting-
chaise ; but upon arriving at West Dray ton, the further
progress of the pioneer train was prevented by a leaky
tube, which extinguished the engine fire. This untoward
accident occasioned a delay of 76 minutes, as the train
had to wait till the arrival of the following one to push
it forward to Maidenhead. The weight of the first
train was 80,078 Ibs., or about 36 tons (without the
engine), the combined trains, with the propelling loco-
motive in the middle, reached Maidenhead (so far as
the first part was concerned) after a journey of 2 hours
42^ minutes, or, deducting the stoppage, the actual time
of travelling was 86|- minutes, being an average travel-
ling speed of 15.56 miles an hour.
Nor was the return journey without its contre-
temps, for at Slough, the truck on which was the
posting-chaise, had to be detached and left behind in
consequence of one of the wheels running hot ; but the
rate of progression was a distinct acceleration, the
whole trip only taking 62 minutes, or, after deducting
stoppages, 54^- minutes, being an average speed of
24.88 miles an hour.
Mr N. Wood gives the following account of a trip
from London to Maidenhead and back by one of the
regular trains on the day after the line was opened : —
' Being the Eton Montem, for the convenience of
the public, an extra carriage was attached to the train,
which consisted of three first-class carriages, each
capable of containing twenty-four passengers ; two
second-class close and two open carriages, containing
from twenty-four to thirty passengers each ; and one
open carriage with six wheels, capable of holding fifty
to sixty passengers. With this train of carriages, in
which were upwards of one hundred and ninety pas-
sengers, we started from London. The following table
will show the time of performing the journey there and
back : —
The Opening of the Railway. 55
DISTANCE. TIME.
Miles. Chains. Min. Sees.
From London to Drayton, 13 3 26 22
Stopped at Dray ton Station, 3 55
Water „ 3 °
Slough ,, 3 50
From Drayton to Maiden-
head, . . . 9 40 25 10
22 43 51 32
Miles. Chains. Min. Sees.
From Maidenhead to
Drayton, . . 9 40 27 50
Stopped at Slough, . 5 20
,, Drayton, . 2 10
From Drayton to London, 13 3 26 50
22 43 55 40
' The average rate of travelling in both directions
in the above trip is about 25 miles an hour, but it
must be considered that a great loss of time was
occasioned by checking the speed on stopping at the
intermediate stations, and again recovering the speed
at starting ; the rate being upwards of 30 miles an
hour when not checked.
' Considering, therefore, the disadvantage under
which the above experiment was made, the number of
stoppages and the short distance, that the engine had
also to drag an extra carriage, and that no attempt
was made to urge the engine to its utmost capabilities,
it appears quite certain that, with such powerful engines,
a much higher rate of speed will be accomplished upon
56 A History of the Great Western Railway.
this railway than has hitherto been attained, especially
as it did not appear to us that any obstacle existed to
the higher rate of speed being kept up without diffi-
culty.'
The selection of Maidenhead as the first terminus
for the railway was a capital one so far as the pas-
senger traffic was concerned, as more stage coaches
passed through that town than any other in England.
The daily number being ninety ; and not only did the
coach passengers commence or complete their journey
by the railway, but the coaches were mounted on
trucks and came to and left London by train. The
' Beaufort Hunt,' a celebrated Bath and London
coach, used the railway between London and Maiden-
head almost from its first opening.
The engines caused Mr Gooch great disappoint-
ment ; he says of them : — ' I had ... to rebuild one
half of the stock. . . . For many weeks my nights
were spent in a carriage in the engine-house at
Paddington, as repairs had to be done to the engines
at nights to get them ready to do their work next
day.'
On 2 ist July, we have recorded another trip per-
formed by ' JEolus,' when she took a train consisting
of three first-class carriages, two open and one closed
second-class carriages, and two stage coaches on trucks,
or a load of 96,164 Ibs., or about 43 tons, and essayed
a trip to Maidenhead, but ' about 2 J miles the train was
suddenly stopped and remained in statu quo for 2 if
minutes. In the meantime, './Eolus' moved slowly
away to recover his strength, and having sufficiently
exercised himself, returned after a lapse of 2 if- minutes
to lead the train forward ; ' but she did not appear to
have quite recovered her strength by this exercise, for
she had to stop at Slough ' where she took water.' This
journey took 150 minutes to complete; but deducting
the 34 minutes spent in four stoppages, the average
travelling rate was 11.71 miles an hour. On 6th
November ' ^olus ' did better, for with three car-
The Opening of the Railway. 57
riages she attained a speed of 48 miles an hour. In
September 1838, the passenger traffic produced .£7579,
while to 3fst December, or for a period of nearly
seven months, the income was —
Passengers and Mails, . £61,779 14 5
Parcels, .... 869 5 7
Merchandise, . . . 1,620 7 I
Conveyance of materials
for Contractors construct-
ing the Line, . . 1,616 12 5
£65,885 19 6
while the expenditure for the same period amounted
to ,£32,168, 145., in which was included .£3405,
1 8s. 5d. Government duty, and ,£971, ios. gd. for
rates and taxes. It is evident at first that railways
were rated in a fairly equitable manner, but not for
long, for four years later, when the duty for the half-
year had increased pro rata with the traffic to
.£13,625, the rates had increased out of all proportion
to ,£12,998. With regard to the rating, the Great
Western Railway for a long while waged war against
the unjust assessments made on their property, and on
several occasions distresses were levied on the effects
of the Company for rates they refused to pay. And
good cause railways had for narrowly inquiring into
how their rates were calculated, for one inquiry pro-
duced the astonishing result of disclosing that the
assessor had made a rate of 6d. in the pound against a
railway company in his parish, while the other occupiers
were rated at but 2d. in the pound ; for this swindle
the parish official had to take a holiday at his country's
expense, which holiday we need scarcely add was
spent in well-guarded confinement.
Returning to the early history of the Great
Western Railway, a storm of wind on the morning of
29th October 1838 showed how extremely well the
carriages were constructed for easy running. The
force of the wind propelled four carriages which were
at Maidenhead along the line, which has a scarcely
58 A History of the Great Western Railway.
perceptible falling gradient — the first two reached
Wormwood Scrubbs, a distance of over 20 miles,
before they were stopped, the other two were stayed
at Slough.
On ist July 1839, the railway was opened to Twy-
ford — an extension of 8|- miles, included in which was
the celebrated brick bridge across the Thames already
alluded to.
Early in 1839, Cook and Wheatstone's galvanic
telegraph was laid down on the Great Western Rail-
way from Paddington to West Drayton.
At first the wires were enclosed in an iron tube, i|-
inches diameter, which was fixed some 3 feet from the
side of the line, and about 6 inches off the ground.
By the early adoption of this great improvement, the
Great Western Railway Directors gave the public
further proof that they were far ahead of all other
railways in the measures they took for the safety of
the public travelling by their line. The telegraph
was most prominently brought into public notice by
the good service rendered to justice by the Great
Western Railway in connection with an atrocious
murder perpetrated at Salt Hill, near Slough, from
which station the criminal journeyed to London by train.
The foul crime was discovered shortly after the train
had started, and the railway officials courteously tele-
graphed the description of the murderer to Paddington,
where a detective awaited his arrival. The publicity
thus given to the magnetic telegraph did more for its
general introduction than many years of plain unob-
trusive utility would have accomplished. It is not
often that a scientific invention, at the commencement
of its career, gains such a good advertisement of its
undoubted usefulness.
At first this new means of instantaneous communi-
cation was called magnetic, galvanic or electric tele-
graph, to distinguish it from the system of telegraphy
used by the Government to convey orders and news
from London to the naval ports, which was accom-
The Opening of the Railway, 59
plished by semaphores similiar to those now used by
the coastguards to converse with passing ships.
These semaphores were placed within sight of the
attendants at the next semaphores on either side, who
signalled the messages from one to another.
On 1 2th August 1839, the 'Vulcan' made a
record in railway speed, having with four carriages
attained the then unparalleled speed of 50 miles an
hour.
The line was further extended in 1840 ; in March
to Reading, and in June to Steventon, while, on
3ist August, the Bristol Directors, who were working
independently of the London Board, opened the section
between Bath and Bristol, the up trains leaving
Bristol at 8, 9, 10, u, 12 A.M., 2, 4, 5, 6, 7 and 8 P.M ;
the first-class fare was then 2s. 6d. against 2s. id. now.
To meet the hourly competition of the railway, a
half-hourly service of coaches was put on the road
between Bath and Bristol.
When we consider that at the present day, despite
our elaborate and marvellously complicated system of
combined interlocking and electric block signalling,
collisions are not infrequent, it is intensely surprising
to find how remarkably free from accidents the Great
Western Railway was in the early years of its history,
when its traffic was unprovided with any of these
modern safeguards ; but although accidents were few,
narrow escapes from collisons must have been of
rather frequent occurrence, for Babbage, a leading
scientist of sixty years back, in his life, thus records a
narrow escape he had one Sunday, when he was about
to make a trip for the purpose of taking some obser-
vations. Upon arriving at the station, he found that
he was to travel down on the north or up line.
' As this was an invasion of the usual regulations, I
inquired very minutely into the authority upon which
it rested. Being satisfied on this point, I desired him
to order out my train immediately. He returned with
the news that the fireman had neglected his duty, but
60 A History of the Great Western Railway.
that the engine would be ready in less than a quarter
of an hour. The officer took pains to assure me that
there was no danger on whichever line we might travel,
as there could be no engine but our own on either line
until 5 o'clock in the evening. A messenger arrived
soon after to inform me that the obstructions had been
removed, and that I could now pass upon the south,
which was the proper line.
' While we were conversing together, my ear, which
had become peculiarly sensitive to the distant sound of
an engine, told me that one was approaching. I
mentioned it to the railway official. He did not hear it,
and said, — " Sir," it is impossible." " Whether possible
or impossible," I said, " an engine is coming, and in a
few minutes we shall see its steam." The sound soon
became evident to both, and our eyes were anxiously
directed to the expected quarter. The white cloud of
steam now faintly appeared in the distance. I soon
perceived the line it occupied, and then turned to
watch my companion's face. In a few minutes more I
saw it slightly change, and he said, — " It is indeed on |
the north line." Knowing it would stop at the engine-
house, I ran as fast as I could to that spot. I found a
single engine, from which Brunei, covered with smoke
and black, had just descended. We shook hands, and
I inquired what brought my friend here in such a
plight. Brunei told me he had posted from Bristol to
meet the only train at the furthest point of the rail then
opened, but had missed it. " Fortunately," he said, " I
found this engine with its fire up, so I ordered it out,
and have driven it the whole way up at the rate of 50
miles an hour."
' I then told him that but for the merest accident I
should have met him on the same line at the rate of 40
miles, and that I had attached to my engine my ex-
perimental carriage and three waggons with 30 tons
of iron. I inquired what course he would have pur-
sued if he had perceived another engine meeting him
upon his own line? Brunei said in such a case he
The Opening of the Railway. 61
would have put on all the steam he could command
with a view to driving oft" the opposite engine by the
superior velocity of his own.'
But the Great Western Railway was remarkably
fortunate with regard to the safety of its passengers,
for during the three years preceding Christmas
Eve 1841, the Company had carried over 3,000,000
passengers, and the only accidents reported were a
broken leg and a broken arm, and a few bruises.
The trouble with the locomotives disappeared
early in 1840, for Mr Gooch had his 'Firefly'
(the first of the class numbering 142) running in
March, and others were speedily delivered and got
to work.
On the 3Oth June 1841, the whole of the
Great Western main line from London to Bristol
was opened. The Wooton Bassett incline of i in
100 was successfully mounted by the powerful Broad
Gauge engines. Mr Brunei was very anxious as to
the success of the long rise for over 2 miles, in-
cluding the section through the tunnel, but with a
bank engine the trains were got through without
any difficulty. Mr Gooch thus describes the work-
ing of trains through the tunnel for the first days of
the opening : — ' Only one line of rails was complete
through the tunnel, and the trains had therefore to
be worked on a single line. I undertook to accom-
pany all the trains through the tunnel, and did so
the first day and night, also the second day, intend-
ing to be relieved when the mail came down on the
second night. At about 1 1 o'clock that night we
had a very narrow escape from a fearful accident.
I was going up the tunnel with the last up train
when I fancied I saw some green lights placed as
they were in front of our trains. A second's re-
flection convinced me it was the mail coming down.
I lost no time in reversing the engine I was on,
and running back to Box Station with my train as
quickly as I could, when the mail came down behind
62 A History of the Great Western Railway.
me. The policeman at the top of the tunnel had
made some blunder, and sent the mails on when they
arrived there. Had the tunnel not been pretty clear
of steam we must have met in full career, and the
smash would have been fearful, cutting short my
career also. But as though mishaps never come
alone, when I was taking my train up again, from
some cause or other the engine got off the rails in
the tunnel, and I was detained there all night before
I got straight again.
' Box Tunnel had a very pretty effect for the couple
of days it was worked as a single line from the number
of candles used by the men working on the un-
finished line ; it was a perfect illumination extending
through the whole tunnel, nearly 2 miles long.'
The Queen did not venture to patronise the
'iron road' till 1842, but Prince Consort early made
use of the Great Western Railway between London
and Slough. For the use of the royal travellers a
special saloon was built, which had one remarkable
feature, wooden wheels with wooden tyres, to prevent
the noise caused by the iron tyres striking against the
iron rails. This carriage was constructed in 1840,
and was 21 feet long, and 9 feet wide and 6 feet
6 inches high, in three compartments, the two end
ones being each 4 feet 6 inches long, and the centre
one nearly 1 2 feet ; the centre saloon was fitted in
Louis XV. style, panelled with crimson and white
silk, with paintings by Parris representing Fire, Air,
Earth and Water. The sofas were of carved oak.
At the end of the smaller compartments, over the
buffers, was a large bow window. Wrhen the Windsor
line was ' narrowed,' this saloon was withdrawn from
service, but it is still preserved among other relics
of the past greatness of the Broad Gauge at
Swindon.
We have now given an account of the opening
of the several sections of the Great Western Railway
proper; in 1841 were opened 18 miles of the Great
The Opening of the Railway. 63
Western Railway and Cheltenham Union Railway,
and 32 J miles of the Bristol and Exeter Railway.
In 1837 the Great Western Railway leased the
former in perpetuity at a rent of ;£ 17,000 a year, thus
really incorporating the Cheltenham and Great West-
ern Union Railway with its own system. While a
lease of the Bristol and Exeter was taken to work
each section of the line as it was opened, and the
whole line for five years from the date it was opened
throughout.
Our readers have now had a succinct account of
the formation and early development of the most
important system of railways then or now in exist-
ence in this Kingdom.
Being constructed on principles entirely dissimilar
to those adopted by other lines, the 'Great Western
Railway has always received a large amount of atten-
tion from students of our railway organisations, and
that there is much to be learnt from the history of
the Broad Guage every reader will readily admit.
CHAPTER IV.
THE EARLY BROAD GAUGE LOCOMOTIVES.
MR DANIEL GOOCH, who has undoubtedly done more
for the development of the locomotive steam engine
than any other man, was appointed locomotive super-
intendent to the Great Western Railway in August
1837, commencing his duties as such on the i8th.
He therefore, before he had attained his majority, was
appointed to this most important of all positions on a
railway. We can well understand his feelings ; how
jubilant and happy he must have been in thus early
attaining to the zenith of the locomotive engineer's
profession, which position is sought after and hoped
for by thousands of young engineers when first enter-
ing the profession, but gained by a very few, and then
usually after long, long years of hard toil and weary
waiting, before which time the ardour and spirit with
which they commenced their career has usually long
since evaporated, and they enter into their new post,
confirmed believers in the usual routine, as prepared
for the occupiers of the position by their predecessors.
Mr Gooch's salary at first was ^300 a year — a
good start for a young man of £wenty-one. This was
increased to ^550 upon the opening of the first section
of the line, and to ^700 in January 1841. In January
1846 it was raised to ^1000, and to ^1500 a year on
ist January 1851.
It cannot be said that Mr Gooch came to the Great
Western Railway with preconceived views in favour of
the Broad Gauge. On the contrary, the effect of his
early surroundings must have, if anythingat all, caused
64
The Early Broad Gauge Locomotives. 65
him to lean to the Narrow Gauge, since he was born
and brought up among the ironworks and coal mines of
Northumberland — the home of Stephenson's Waggon
Gauge — while his experience of locomotive building
was gained under the direction of Mr Robert Stephen-
son. But many great truths are in some way revealed
to master minds ; so was the superiority of the Broad
Gauge to Daniel Gooch. He says, — ' I was very glad
to have to manage the Broad Gauge, which filled my
mind as the great advance of the age, and in the
soundness of which I was a firm believer.'
Before Mr Gooch was connected with the Great
Western Railway Mr Brunei had ordered several
locomotives — six from the Vulcan Foundry (where Mr
Gooch had served under Robert Stephenson) ; four
from Mather, Dixon and Company, Liverpool; two from
Sharp, Roberts and Company, Manchester ; two from
Hawthorne and Company, Newcastle-on-Tyne ; two
from the Haigh Foundry Company ; and, most curious
to mention, two from R. Stephenson and Company,
Newcastle-on-Tyne. These two were built from
drawings by Mr Gooch himself, having been intended
for a Russian railway with a 6 foot gauge, but the
money not being forthcoming, the careful firm of
Stephenson and Company did not part with them, so
that they were afterwards altered to the 7 foot gauge
and supplied to the Great Western Railway. They
were the celebrated 'North Star' — the prototype of
the modern passenger locomotive — and her sister
engine the ' Evening Star.'
While the other railways and the locomotive
builders were experimenting with engines constructed
in every possible way, some with four and some with
six wheels, outside and inside cylinders, with bores of
from 6 inches to 22 inches, and strokes with longer
variations. On some the cylinders were vertical,
others would be inclined or horizontal, with bell
cranks and all manner of curious contrivances to con-
vey the motion ; the driving wheel placed in the front,
E
66 A History of the Great Western Railway.
middle or rear position, at times coupled, but often
not. These and a hundred other methods were being
tried on the Narrow Gauge at the time the Great
Western Railway had practically settled its type of
engine, which type even to-day would still pass as a
good style of engine, exciting little comment as to its
appearance among the ordinary travelling public.
The ' Vulcan ' built by the Vulcan Foundry Company,
as already stated, was the first Broad Gauge loco-
motive delivered to Mr Gooch's care.
The following table gives the principal features
of the earliest Broad Gauge's engines, that is, those
ordered by Mr Brunei prior to Mr Gooch undertaking
the production of the locomotive power of the Great
Western Railway :—
W>
d
a
8
•o
o
<a
u
1
">>
'"* -j
O
V
B
'" O
he
Name.
'o "
*
i
0)
"1
.S
rt
Builder.
-"- f*-
V
w
2
C rv!
0
11
1
O
' rt
4)
K
5
.2
Q
8
o
H
ft. in.
in.
in.
ft.
ft.
ft.
Vulcan,
8 o
14
16
9-58
55
589
Vulcan Foundry
Company.
^Eolus,
80
14
18
57-15
587
Do.
Bacchus, .
8 o
14
18
57-15
587
Do.
Venus, 1
*
Do.
Neptune, j-
8 o
12
18
52-35
510
Do.
Apollo, J
Do.
Ajax,
IO O
14
20
IO.22
57-3
474
Mather, Dixon
and Company.
North Star,
7 o
16
16
13
70.10
724.8
R. Stephenson
and Company.
Evening Star,
6 6
16
16
13
70.10
705-4
Do.
Premier,
6 o
14
14
51.71
377
Sharp, Roberts
and Company.
Lion,
7 o
14
18
...
S1-1?
478
Do.
The gross weights of the above engines with tenders
(loaded) varied from 23^- tons ('Lion') to 29 tons
('North Star').
The Early Broad Gaitge Locomotives.
67
The two engines built by the Haigh Foundry
Company had driving wheels 6 feet in diameter, but
geared up to 12 feet, with but small cylinders. Of
these Mr Gooch says, — ' I felt very uneasy about the
working of these machines, feeling they would have
enough to do to drive themselves along the road.'
Those made by Hawthorne and Company were de-
signed by Mr Thomas Harrison, and were most
curious examples of steam locomotives. Of these the
THE 'PREMIER.'
6 ft. driving wheels, 3 ft. 6 in. leading and trailing wheels, cylinders, 14 in. by 14 in.
'Hurricane' had driving wheels 10 feet in diameter,
and the ' Thunderer ' had wheels 6 feet in diameter,
but driven by a gear of 3 to i, so that they were equal
to wheels of 18 feet diameter. The fire-box of both
these engines was divided into two parts by a par-
tition, and the boiler, fire-box, etc., was on one truck,
while ^ the motion was on a separate truck. The
following are the other principal dimensions of these
remarkable engines : —
68 A History of the Great Western Railway.
BOILERS.
FIRE-BOX.
HEATING SURFACE.
t
.
wi
I
,=
3
m
V
J
p
H
Z
V
l>
.a
•§
H
H
.d
j=
£
X
O
H
Ml
WEIGHT.
NAME.
c
M
H
o
610
c
-3
1
,0
o
-a
(empty.)
•P
.3
o
n
^
i
g
g
g
fi
o
fc
J3
|
rt
bfi
E '
"(3
V
£
H
in. in.
ft. in.
ft.
ft.
n.
It. in.
ft
ft. in.
ft.
ft.
ft.
Hurricane,
Thunderer,
i6by 20
i6by 20
3 8
8.7
135
8.7
sl
3 _8^
mila
5
r
4 I
to
108.26
above,
17.12
5'6.37
II tons.
12 tons.
In the geared engine the wheels were coupled.
The steam to the cylinders, and the exhaust to the
funnel, were conveyed from one vehicle to another
by a novel 'universal steam joint.' Mr Harrison
adopted a plan to tighten the cog-wheels should they
become loose by being worn. The water tank was
placed beneath the frame of the boiler carriage.
The fault with these early engines was the ex-
tremely limited amount of heating surface, thus the
' Ajax/ with 10 feet driving wheels, only had 474 feet
of heating surface, while the ' North Star/ with 7 feet
wheels, had 724.8 feet, and a modern engine has some
1500 feet, and works with a steam pressure three
times as great. No wonder that engines built on
such lines proved failures. Had those with the 10
feet wheels and the geared ones been equipped with
sufficient boiler power the result of their performances
would have been very different.
The Great Western Railway stock at the end of
1838 consisted of fourteen locomotives, costing ^1980
each ; forty-two first-class carriages, costing ^544
each ; forty second-class carriages, costing ^351 each ;
one hundred and eighteen trucks and waggons, costing
;£io6 each, or a total value of ,£90,976 for the rolling
stock then possessed by the Company.
In later years the 10 feet wheels of the ' Ajax ' and
* Hurricane ' were put to a novel use, being lent by
the Great Western Railway Company to convey the
The Early Broad Gauge Locomotives. 69
bronze statue of the Duke of Wellington to Hyde
Park Corner. Some of these early engines were
provided with a projection in front, extending from
the smoke box to the buffer beam, and shaped like the
bow of a ship, the designer being under the impression
that such a contrivance would offer less resistance to
the air, and that, consequently, the train would be able
to travel at an increased speed ; but from experiments
that were made, it was found that no advantage was
obtained by using this prow in front of the engine,
and it was discarded ; yet such is the truth of the Wise
Man's words, ' Nothing new under the sun,' that a
French railway is at this moment building loco-
motives fitted with a similar prow, under the impres-
sion that so fitted they will offer less resistance to the
air.
De Pambour (a Frenchman who came to England,
to make experiments on railways), on 3d August 1839,
attained a speed of 55.4 miles for over 2 miles, with
the ' Evening Star ' ? on a trip to Maidenhead, with the
engine, tender, and eight people. A higher speed
could have been attained had the pumps for supplying
the boiler been larger, but at this speed the engine
evaporated the water quicker than the pumps supplied
it, so that speed had to be reduced. He covered 14
consecutive miles as follows : — 8 at the rate of 45 miles
an hour, 4 at 48, and 2 at 55.4. Pambour mentions
that this engine had 7 feet driving wheels, while the
table we give on a previous page gives the ' Evening
Star ' with driving wheels 6 feet 6 inches in diameter
only. It was therefore probably the 'North Star*
that he used.
The first engines Mr Gooch designed were of two
classes known as the ' Firefly' and 'Fury/ and both
of them were exceptionally good. Their dimensions
were : —
Driving Wheels. Cylinders. Heating Surface.
Firefly, . 7 ft. 15 by 18 in. stroke. 700 ft.
Fury, . 6 ft. 14 by 1 8 in. stroke. 608 ft.
70 A History of the Great Western Railway.
Mr Gooch had the engines of these classes fitted
with steel tyres, for which he had taken out a patent,
as, although the tyres only contained a fifth part of
sheer steel, that commodity fifty years ago was a very
expensive item, and the price prevented the general
introduction of these improved tyres to any other
wheels than the engines and tenders. The results ob-
tained were very good, many of the locomotives fitted
with these patent tyres running between 200,000 and
300,000 miles before they required to be re-tyred. So
that, in the long run, the result was certainly a con-
siderable economy.
These engines were built by various makers, the
most satisfactory by the Leeds firm of Fenton, Murray
and Jackson.
Mr Gooch thus writes of these engines — his first
venture in locomotive designing : — ' I may with con-
fidence, after these engines have been working for
twenty - eight years, say that no better engines for
their weight have since been constructed either by my-
self or others. They have done, and continue to do,
admirable duty ; advantage has been taken of new
cylinders being required to give them an extra inch in
diameter * and 4 inches more in stroke, and expansion
gear has been added ; in other respects the engines are
the same.' The ' Witch ' had driving wheels 7 feet 6
inches in diameter, and was the only Broad Gauge
engine of its class. We will conclude this chapter with
a description of the early Broad Gauge passenger
coaches, each of which ran on six wheels, while the
Narrow Gauge vehicles had but four wheels, so that at
first the Great Western Railway introduced one of the
very best protections for the safety of its passengers.
The Narrow Gauge carriage designers have long since
copied the example set by Mr Brunei. They now one
and all declare that there is great risk in running four-
wheel vehicles, for, should an axle break or a wheel
come off, nothing can save a carriage having but four
* Thanks to the margin allowed by the Broad Gauge.
The Early Broad Gauge Locomotives. 7 1
wheels, while a six or eight wheel one is, comparatively
speaking, safe, in the event of such a mishap.
Mr Brunei's original idea, and one that in-
fluenced to a considerable degree the width of gauge
chosen by him, was to hang the railway carriages
between the wheels, after the manner of road vehicles.
Only one coach, however, appears to have been so
constructed, although much larger wheels were always
used on the Broad Gauge than on the Narrow. The
Broad Gauge allowing the centre of gravity to be
raised with perfect safety, the wheels were made to
enter the floors of the carriages, being, of course,
boxed over. This latter method was rather awk-
ward to passengers, when the wheel happened to
be just under the door of a compartment, as un-
wary passengers were likely to fall over the pro-
jecting box. While the Narrow Gauge lines could
only use wheels of 3 feet diameter for their rolling
stock, the Broad Gauge were able to construct theirs
with wheels of 3 feet 6 inches, 4 feet, and even 4 feet
6 inches diameter, thus causing the vehicles to travel
with less noise and vibration, and considerable ease
and extreme smoothness at the highest velocity.
The first-class carriages had four compartments,
each with accommodation for eight passengers, and
weighed 7 tons 8 cwt. The second-class had six com-
partments of twelve passengers, and weighed 7 tons 5
cwt. So that with the additional security of six wheels
to each vehicle, the dead weight to be carried for each
first-class passenger was only 588 Ibs., and for each
second-class passenger 225 Ibs., while on the Narrow
Gauge lines the second-class passenger required 238
Ibs. of dead weight to be conveyed per person. The
dead weight for each first-class passenger on the
Narrow Gauge was 631 Ibs, and these in unsafe four-
wheel carriages.
The first Broad Gauge carriages were built by
Davis of Wigmore Street, London, and were 21 feet
long, with four compartments, or 18 feet long with
72 A History of the Great Western Railway.
only three. They were 8 feet wide and about 6 feet
6 inches high, these dimensions being very consider-
ably larger than those of the Narrow Gauge vehicles ;
and they were fitted with the ' clerestory ' roof, and
copper gauze wire panels for ventilation, covered with
wooden slides. Some of the first-class compartments
had a door in the centre, thus being divided into two
small rooms, each for four persons. The Great Western
Railway has continued the use of the ' clerestory ' roofs
for its passenger rolling stock, and is justly famed for
the improvement, the Midland Railway has copied the
Broad Gauge in this respect, many of its best carriages
having the raised roofs and ventilators. The public
was not long before it found out the great superiority
of the Great Western Railway carriages. A writer in
1838 thus describes them : — ' Those upon the Liverpool
and Manchester Railway possess many advantages both
of beauty and convenience, but still they are far sur
passed by those placed upon the Great Western Railway
by Brunei, which are complete with every convenience
and luxury, being almost gorgeously fitted up. They
are particularly spacious and complete, with sofas
and all the appliances for the agreeable occupation
of time.
CHAPTER V.
THE EARLY DEVELOPMENT OF THE RAILWAY.
BEFORE we commence to narrate the greatest epoch in
the history of the Great Western Railway, it will be as
well to shortly describe the general position of the
railway at the commencement of 1845 — on the eve °f
the ' Battle of the Gauges.' Having already in pre-
vious chapters dealt with the main Hne of the Great
Western Railway, we will turn our attention to the
branches, etc., of this railway. At this time the Great
Western system consisted of—
G.W.R. London to Bristol, . n8|- miles
Branch, Didcot to Oxford, . 10 „
Bristol and Exeter Railway, . 72 ,,
Do. do., branch to
Weston-Super-Mare, . 2 ,,
G.W. and Cheltenham Union,
Swindon to Cirencester, . 18
Total, . . 22oj- miles.
At this early period of its history the Great
Western Railway was considerably the largest of the
sixty-six railways then open for traffic, the Midland
standing second with a length of 179 miles. The
Oxford branch was opened on i2th June 1844, and,
as is very rarely the case, was constructed for less than
the estimated amount, and was opened before the date
originally fixed for its completion.
The Bristol and Exeter line had been opened in
73
74 A History of the Great Western Railway.
sections, the entire length being opened on ist May
1844; it was a very level line to construct, and with
one exception had no great engineering works.
Leaving Bristol, it rises i in 436 for 4f miles, then
falls i in 355 for 5^ miles ; for the next 28 miles it is
practically level, the fall being but i in 3745 ; the
gradient next rises i in 875 for 8|r miles, then i in 355
for 6^, then to the summit through the Whiteball
Tunnel the rise is i in 127 for 4 miles, level for i mile,
falls for 5 miles i in 227, and then right the way to
Exeter, 17 miles, it falls i in 463. These were the
ruling gradients, but some short pieces are as bad as
i in 90.
The exception alluded to above is the Whiteball
Tunnel, on an incline of i in 127. So great was the
progress made in the art of tunnelling that this tunnel
only cost ^53 a yard to construct, while the Box
Tunnel, built two or three years earlier, cost ^100 a
yard, and the Cheltenham Tunnel, a year or so later,
but ^34 a yard, although originally estimated to cost
^"136 a yard, while in October 1844 Mr Brunei had
received tenders to construct tunnels at the low price
of ^28 a yard.
The Weston branch was worked by horse power.
The 1 8 miles of the Great Western and Cheltenham
Union line that was first opened consisted of 14 miles
of the main line, Swindon to Kemble, and a branch
from the latter to Cirencester, 4 miles in length.
The Bristol and Gloucester Railway was opened
in July 1844. The line from Stonehouse to Glou-
cester was part of the Great Western and Cheltenham
Union Railway, this portion used by the Bristol and
Gloucester Railway Company having been completed
before the connecting part from Kemble to Gloucester
to enable the Bristol and Gloucester Company to open
their line throughout without delay.
Upon the opening of the Bristol and Exeter
Railway the up night mail left Exeter at 9.35 P.M.,
and arrived at Paddington at 3.40 A.M.
The Early Development of the Railway. 75
The present times are, depart 10.34 P.M., arrive
4 A.M., or an acceleration of only 35 minutes in fifty
years. This of itself is very good evidence of the
superior speed attained by the Broad Gauge at its
inception, the mail from Liverpool to London on
the Narrow Gauge at that time taking nearly as
long again on the journey as it does at the present
time, leaving Liverpool at 8 P.M. and arriving at
Euston at 5.32 A.M., while the mail, from Chester
took 8 hours 10 minutes against 4 hours 12 minutes
at the present time.
Two sensational mail robberies on one occasion
happened to the up and down Exeter mails in 1849.
The up mail leaving Plymouth at 6.35 P.M., and
Exeter at 9 P.M., arrived at Bridgewater at 10.30
P.M. At this station various bags 'of letters, which
had accumulated in the post-office van during
the trip, were, in accordance with the usual
custom of the guard, placed in a tender im-
mediately at the rear of the post - office van, and
securely locked up. The train, in addition to the
post - office tender, consisted of six or seven first
and second-class carriages, and left Bridgewater in due
course and proceeded on its journey to Bristol, the
run between these two places being timed to occupy
i hour 10 minutes without stoppage at any station.
On the arrival of the train at Bristol shortly before
midnight, the guard went to the tender in the rear
of the post - office, in order to deliver the Bristol
bags, when he found that all the bags had more or
less been tampered with, some being cut open and
others left with the seals broken and strings untied.
He then found that all the money or registered letters,
as well as the bankers' parcels, had been abstracted.
Without a moment's loss of time he communi-
cated, first with the two travelling post - office
clerks accompanying the mail, and subsequently with
the post-office authorities at Bristol. The guard
was quite positive the bags were safe when the train
76 A History of the Great Western Railway.
left Bridge water, and as no stoppage had taken place
between that town and the City of Bristol, it was
evident that the robbery must have been effected
by some parties travelling by the train, and while
it was in motion.
After a few moments' consultation, it was resolved
to send the Metropolitan bags on to London in the
state in which the guard had discovered them, and,
accordingly, the train left Bristol on its upward
journey after a very short delay. On reaching town
at an early hour the next morning, the guard pro-
ceeded direct to the post-office in St Martin-le-Grand,
and made a full report. The various bags were im-
mediately examined, when it was found that not
only were the whole of the registered letters and
bankers' parcels abstracted, but in some cases the
bills on which all registered letters and valuable
parcels are entered were also missing, so that it
was impossible to say how far the plunder had
extended. Information was then forwarded by the
post-office authorities to the various city banking-
houses, so that a check might be put upon the
disposal of the contents of the stolen letters.
Later in the afternoon information reached town of
a second robbery, precisely similar in character, per-
petrated on the down mail which left London at 8.55
P.M. on the previous evening. In this case the bags
deposited in the tender were perfectly safe on the
arrival of the train at Bristol at 1.15 A.M. On the
tender being opened at Bridgewater, a scene similar
to that previously observed at Bristol presented itself,
all the bags were more or less mutilated or disturbed,
and the more valuable contents abstracted therefrom.
The suspected thieves were this time luckily arrested.
The parties alluded to were two men of respectable
appearance, both of whom travelled in a first-class
carriage, occupying the next compartment to the post-
office tender. Their implication in the affair was
placed beyond doubt by the discovery of several
The Early Development of the Railway, 77
registered letters and money parcels in the carriage in
which they rode. Immediately upon their apprehen-
sion they were conveyed to Exeter, where, upon in-
vestigation, it was ascertained their names were Poole
and Nightingale. It appeared that the men did not
enter the train at Exeter, but proceeded by private
conveyance to Laira, the extremity of the South
Devon Railway. They did this in order the more
effectually to enable them to conceal their disguises, and
also to prevent the recognition of Poole by the railway
clerks and porters at the Exeter Station. On leaving
Bridgewater, one of the men, if not both, left the com-
partment of the carriage in which they had been
seated, and having taken about three steps (a feat of
no great difficulty as appears from the peculiar con-
struction of the Great Western carriages) were enabled
to reach the door of the post-office tender, which they
opened and entered. Having selected their booty,
they left the tender on its slackening towards Bristol,
and quitted the train. Having secreted the stolen
property in Bristol, they returned to the station to
take the down train. Here they arrived at what was
called the ' Exeter shed ' of the Bristol Station some
minutes before the arrival of the down train and before
the door of the booking-office was opened'; Mr Lee, a
retired tradesman of Clifton, was waiting at the door
when the two men came up. Nightingale advanced
first, and Poole, on seeing the stranger, receded a few
yards, taking up his position under an arch. Mr Lee
made some common-place observations about the non-
arrival of the train, which, however, Nightingale did
not answer but turned away and joined Poole under
the arch. Here they carried on a conversation for
some time in a low whisper, and on the bell ringing
announcing the arrival of the train the two men made
towards the booking-office. Poole passed through the
office, and, observing Mr Lee looking at him, turned
away his head. The manner in which Poole passed
through the station, coupled with the circumstances
78 A History of the Great Western Railway.
which took place outside, excited that gentleman's
suspicions. Mr Lee determined to watch their pro-
ceedings, and having received his ticket, proceeded to
the end of the Exeter shed, in order that he might see
their movements, while he remained unobserved. He
was, however, disappointed in his expectation, for
although he could distinctly hear two persons talking
one to another in a subdued voice he could not see
them, nor could he tell precisely from what point the
sounds proceeded. On the ringing of the bell for
the departure of the train the two men suddenly rushed
forward, one from either side of the train, where they
had probably been watching the post-office tender to
ascertain whether or not anyone was placed there.
They went forward to the first-class carriages, and the
door of one of them was opened for them. Nightin-
gale exclaimed, ' No, that won't do ; we must have a
compartment to ourselves.' The guard then showed
them to another carriage in which they took their seats,
it is supposed that immediately on the starting of the
train the thieves commenced their operations.
Here are some more robberies.
At the end of 1844 the messenger who was dis-
patched from Paddington Station to a bank in the city
with the takings of one day, amounting to ^1287,
is. 4d., alleged that the money disappeared in transit
between the two places, while on another occasion the
booking-offices at Paddington were broken into and
considerable sums of money stolen. Then there were
the notorious luggage robberies on the Great Western
Railway, and the subsequent conviction of the thieves,
who were railway officials, and systematically carried
out the most audacious robberies of passengers' luggage.
To Mr Nash, a solicitor who brought the miscreants
to justice, at the expense of his own fortune, the
travelling public of fifty years ago owed an unrequited
debt of gratitude. Not only did the thieves send
letters threatening to murder Mr Nash if he proceeded
with the cases against them, but when on one count
The Early Development of the Railway. 79
one of them was discharged for want of conclusive
evidence, he started an action against Mr Nash for false
imprisonment, in which he was backed up by a Great
Western Director ; but this aggressive thief did not
succeed, for before the case came on for trial he was
convicted on another charge of luggage robbery ; the
heavy expenses incurred in the various proceedings,
however, resulted in the bankruptcy of Mr Nash, and
the Great Western Railway ungenerously refused to
help him, and discharged him their service — a good
reward for zealousness in the discharge of his duties,
surely !
At the present time railway managers pride them-
selves on their carefulness and economical working,
if they can succeed in keeping the expenses some-
where about 52 per cent, of the receipts, We can there-
fore well imagine what exuberation would be theirs
(and the shareholders also) if they could manage the
line so that the working expenses were only 34^- per
cent, of the revenue. This was the proportion on the
Great Western Railway for the second half of 1843 >
but, alas! undoubtedly these halcyon days of 10 per
cent, railway dividends have gone like many more of
the pleasing things of ' the good old times ' never
to return.
In these early days railways did not have the
time-table books as now issued, nor did they post
up time bills on the station walls, but time-table bills
could generally be obtained on application to the
booking clerk. This was anything but a satisfactory
method of dispensing the necessary information as
to the running of the trains, and caused intending
passengers a great deal of inconvenience and loss of
time and general delay to all concerned. The Great
Western Railway, however, was more generous than
the other lines, and obviated this cause of annoyance
by hanging up the ' train bills ' at all their stations
in the same way as they do excursion handbills now,
so that a traveller could obtain a time table at any
8o A History of the Great Western Railway.
time, and not be dependent on the booking clerk
for the particulars of the running of the trains.
If anyone were weather hardened enough to travel
third class, and time was no object — or at least not such
an important object as money — he could travel third
class in an open carriage attached to the goods trains,
which left Paddington at 4.30 A.M. and 9.30 P.M., and
in sixteen hours (if nothing occurred to delay the train)
he would be landed at Taunton, a distance of 163
miles ; but Mr Gladstone's parliamentary train act of
1844 improved the lot of the third-class passengers,
giving them the, at that time, luxury of a covered
carriage and a seat, and a minimum speed of 1 2 miles
an hour including stoppages. On ist November
1844, the Great Western started its parliamentary
trains, and took care to take the full time allowed,
for the journey between Bristol and London took
9-g- hours — the train left at 7 A.M. and stopped at all
stations ; the up train left Bristol at half-past nine
each morning. The passengers to stations beyond
Bristol had to spend the night there, as the Company
took advantage of the Bristol and Exeter Railway
being a semi-independent company to arrange for the
parliamentary trains on that line not to run in connec-
tion with the Great Western Railway trains. After
this date, third-class passengers had still the option of
travelling by the 9.30 P.M. goods, but not by the
4.30 A.M. goods train. On ist January 1846, the
third-class passengers between London and Bristol
had another train each way daily put on for their
convenience, and on the same date the Great Western
Railway discarded the old-fashioned paper tickets as
used by the stage coaches, and adopted Edmondson's
invention of cardboard, — now universal. Up to 5th
August 1844, first and second-class passengers had
enjoyed fas. privilege of being conveyed by goods trains
on the Bristol and Exeter Railway, but on that date
they had this great advantage taken from them.
In these exclusive days of fifty years ago, not only
The Early Development of the Railway. 8 1
was each class provided with distinct booking offices^
(not pigeon holes), which still remain at some stations
on the South Devon and Cornwall lines, but the
platforms were divided by barriers into first, second
and third-class portions.
On Monday, 2d September 1844, the Great
Western Railway ran their first excursion. The
train left London at 7 A.M. for Bath and Bristol,
from which city it was continued on the Tuesday
morning to Taunton and Exeter. The return
train left Exeter at 4 P.M. on the same day,
the night again being spent at Bristol or Bath,
and passengers reaching London on Wednesday
afternoon. The fares were : —
London to Bath and back, 283. first class, 193.
second ; London to Bristol, 303. first, 203. second ;
London to Exeter, 485. first, 313. second ; and if one
person purchased seventy tickets or over, a discount
of is. on each ticket was allowed. Some 500
persons left Paddington by this maiden excursion of
the Great Western Railway, and the number was
doubled by those who joined the train at Slough,
Reading and other stations. This was the founda-
tion of the famous Broad Gauge excursions to the
West of England that have ever since been growing
in popularity.
The following statistics relating to the Great
Western Railway in the ' early forties ' are of interest.
In 1846, nineteen trains left Paddington daily, to-day
the number is over one hundred. The number of
passengers conveyed from the opening to 3ist Decem-
ber 1845 were : —
1838 (from the 4th of June), . 264,644
1839, 606,396
1840, 1,024,217
1,541,656
Carryforward, 3,436,913
82 A History of the Great Western Railway.
Brought forward, 3,436,913
1842, ...... 1,606,015
1843,. . . 1,629,150
1844,. . 1,791,272
1845* • • 2,441,255
10,904,605
The following figures relate to the second half ot
1845:-
Miles open, ..... 245
Train miles run, .... 1,090,612
Number of passengers, . . 1,411,504
Miles travelled .... 47,938,473
Tons of goods, . . . . 151,212
In 1846 the House of Lords ordered the Board of
Trade to make a return of the railway rolling stock
owned by the various railways. The Broad Gauge at
that time possessed the following : —
G. W. R. 121 engines, 232 carriages, 919 waggons, trucks, etc.
B. & E. R. ii „ 20 „ 213
The Great Western Railway had the largest num-
ber of locomotives. The London and Birmingham
coming next with 117. While the Newtyle and
Coupar Angus came last with i engine 2 car-
riages and 48 trucks. The South Eastern Railway
in this first return had the most carriages (409). while
the Pontop and South Shields had the largest number
of trucks (2649), but had no passenger vehicles, hiring
these latter from the Newcastle and Darlington Rail-
way.
The cloakroom for passengers' left luggage was
another great public convenience originally intro-
duced by the Great Western Railway. The experi-
ment was first tried at the Bath Station in July 1846,
The Early Development of the Railway. 83
and the practice appears to have been exactly similiar
to that now prevailing. ' A man appointed for that
purpose has a room in which the articles are kept
separate and locked up. A printed receipt is given
to the passenger who deposits luggage, and in order
to meet the responsibility and additional expense, a
charge of 2d. upon each article is made by the Com-
pany. As far as it has yet gone, the plan is stated to
work well, and likely to prove a great accommo-
dation,' which it certainly has.
CHAPTER VI.
THE BATTLE OF THE GAUGES THE BROAD GAUGE
LEADERS.
THE great success of the existing railways having
amply proved the lucrativeness of railway undertakings
as investments, it was but natural that speculators and
capitalists should turn their attention to promoting new
railway companies.
The directors and officials of existing lines recog-
nising that ' self-preservation is the first law of nature,'
immediately took steps to defend their territories, but
in this eagerness to protect their property, they made
the mistake of taking offensive action, when defensive
measures would have sufficed.
The Directors of the Great Western Railway in
common with those of other railways fell into this error
by giving support and encouragement to projected lines
that were directly hostile to their neighbours, the
London and South-Western on one side, and the
London and Birmingham on the other.
To enable this, the most momentous and exciting
period in the whole history of English railway enter-
prise, to be properly understood, we purpose treating
the ' Battle of the Gauges ' under three heads, viz. : —
The Commercial Battle ;
The Parliamentary Battle ; and
The Engineering Battle.
But before doing so, it will not be out of place to
give some particulars of the careers of the Broad
Gauge champions, all of whom were connected with
the Great Western Railway.
84
ISAMBARD KINGDOM BRUNEL.
Born gth April 1806. Died I5th September 1859.
The Broad Gauge Leaders. 87
These were : —
Isambard Kingdom Brunei, the Engineer ;
Daniel Gooch, the Locomotive Superintendent ; and
Charles Alexander Saunders, the Secretary.
ISAMBARD KINGDOM BRUNEI;.
Isambard Kingdom Brunei was born at Portsmouth
on 9th April 1806. He was the only son of Mr (after-
wards Sir) Marc Isambard Brunei, who occupied an
important position in the Royal Dockyard at Ports-
mouth.
No wonder that the young Isambard should early
develop a taste for engineering, being brought up
amongst scientific instruments and books, while the
dockyard afforded scope to his budding genius in ex-
amining the various machines, many of which his father,
who was a celebrated engineer, had designed. The
elder Brunei was born in Normandy, but being an
ardent Royalist, when the Revolution broke out he
was compelled to flee to America, where he was ap-
pointed Engineer to the State of New York ; after-
wards coming to England, he obtained an appointment
in the Portsmouth Dockyard.
His son Kingdom early developed a taste for draw-
ing, and when only four years old he had executed
some, for such a child, remarkably clever sketches.
When he was eight years old the family moved to
Chelsea, and his father spent much of his spare time in
teaching Kingdom mathematics, in which science he
proved a most apt scholar. Shortly after he was sent
to a school at Hove, near Brighton, wrhere his talent
for engineering soon showed itself, as the following
extract from a letter written in 1820, when but fourteen
years old, and addressed to his mother, shows, — ' I
have been making half a dozen boats lately, till I
have worn my hands to pieces. I have also taken a
plan of Hove, which is a very amusing job. I should be
much obliged if you will ask papa whether he would
88 A History of the Great Western Railway.
lend me his long measure ; it is a long, soft tape ; he will
know what I mean. I will take care of it, for I want
to make a more exact plan, though this is pretty exact,
I think.' That he was a most observing lad, is de-
monstrated by the following : — A range of buildings
were being erected opposite the school at Hove, and
one evening young Brunei startled his schoolfellows by
offering to bet that the new buildings would collapse
in the night ; the bet was speedily accepted, and the
next morning, much to the surprise of the other boys,
the buildings were found to have been blown down.
They naturally wondered how Brunei could have known
that such an event would happen, and his simple ex-
planation ' that he had watched them building, and seen
of what bad material and with what unskilful work-
manship they were constructed, then judging from
the state of the atmosphere that a violent storm
would come on in the night, he concluded that the
building was not strong enough to withstand it,' which
opinion was duly verified. In October 1820, he was
sent to Paris to the College Henri Quatre, where he
remained till August 1822. During the time he was
in Paris he made careful surveys of the various bridges
and the public buildings of the city ; these he sent home
to his father, together with his critical observations
of the design and construction of the various edifices.
Early in 1823, he entered his father's office. At
this time Mr Brunei, senior, was busily engaged in
preparing plans and estimates for the construction of
the Thames Tunnel, the necessity for which was at
that time agitating the public mind, and although the
younger Isambard was, of course, not responsible for
that work, yet he offered much valuable advice, and
was for many years engaged in the details of its con-
struction. After many almost insurmountable obstacles
the tunnel was publicly opened on 25th March 1843.
Upon one occasion the construction was abandoned
for seven years.
In 1829, it was proposed to build a suspension
The Broad Gauge Leaders. 89
bridge to connect Bristol and Clifton, and plans were
invited. Kingdom Brunei's plans were accepted out
of a number sent in ; but Telford, who was consulting
engineer to the Bridge Company, thought Brunei's
proposed span too long, in his opinion the Menai
Bridge, with a span of 660 feet, being the ultimatum
for a suspension bridge. Consequently, new plans
were advertised for, and Brunei set hard to work to
convince the Bridge Company that his plans were
practicable ; he, however, modified them somewhat,
and finally they were accepted, and he was appointed
engineer to the venture.
The work was commenced in 1836, little progress
was made for want of funds, and in 1853 the building
of the bridge was abandoned. After Brunei's death
the work was taken over by a new company, and com-
pleted in 1864.
In 1831, the future founder of the Broad Gauge
prepared the plans and designs for the Monks wear-
mouth docks, while the Bristol, Plymouth, Brentford,
Milford Haven and Briton Ferry (Neath) docks were
also designed by him and constructed under his super-
vision.
From 1841-45, he was engaged upon the Hunger-
ford Suspension Bridge, constructed across the Thames
for pedestrian traffic. This bridge was removed in 1 86 1 ,
as the site was required for the Charing Cross railway
bridge, when, strange irony of fate, the materials were
used to complete the Clifton Bridge, so that, although
Brunei did not himself complete the latter bridge, yet
it was finished with the materials provided by him for
another work.
Without doubt, his chef d'cetwre was the construc-
tion of the Great Western Railway, with its magnifi-
cent 7 feet gauge, the particulars of which are contained
in this volume. Besides the Great Western Railway
and its Broad Gauge allies, Brunei constructed other
railways in South Wales. And he looked upon Mil-
ford Haven as a harbour specially adapted for his
9O A History of the Great Western Railway.
monster steamship, the ' Great Eastern.' He was also
engineer to an Irish railway, two others in Italy, and
the Eastern Bengal Railway.
With regard to steam navigation, Brunei was the
originator of the idea for a line of steamships between
England and America, and he constructed the ' Great
Western' — the first ship of a regular service across
the 'herring pond.' This vessel was launched on iQth
July 1837, and was at that time the largest vessel ever
constructed ; she was a paddle ship, and performed the
journey from Bristol to New York in fifteen days.
Shortly after he constructed a much larger one for the
same line ; this was christened the ' Great Britain.'
When, in 1851, it was proposed to have a line of steam-
ships from the Mother Country to Australia, Brunei
proposed his idea of the colossal steamer, the ' Great
Eastern.' The proposal was well received, and the
ship was immediately commenced. This boat was pro-
pelled by both paddles and screws, improvements in
the latter having then been recently developed.
After many disappointments and untoward acci-
dents, the leviathian was successfully launched on 5th
January 1858. She started on her first voyage on 7th
September 1858, but her designer did not live to see
the success of the ship, upon the construction of which
he had devoted so much of his time, talent and money.
Among his minor works were the two towers at
the Crystal Palace, and various improvements in artil-
lery and gun carriages.
He was on the committee of the first great Exhibi-
tion (1851), and was the principal witness examined
before the Select Committee of the House of Lords on
the Patent Laws in 1851.
He married in July 1836, and his family consisted
of two sons and a daughter. In his home life he was
most generous and universally liked, but, like so many
really clever men, he was somewhat reserved, which
gave those not intimately acquainted with him the im-
pression that he was cold and unfeeling. If possible,
The Broad Gauge Leaders. 9 1
he never made enemies, remarking that 'spite and ill
nature were the most expensive luxuries.'
Mr I. K. Brunei was a great lover of real art, and
his drawings were much admired for accuracy of pro-
portion, taste and form, while his residence in Duke
Street, Westminster, was noted for its rare furniture,
bronzes and china.
The public were very proud of him as a great
engineer ; this was shown in a remarkable manner.
O '
Once while performing a conjuring trick to amuse some
children, he inadvertently swallowed a half-crown piece,
which caused his life to be in danger ; the newspapers
published daily bulletins of his condition, which were
read anxiously by everyone, and when at last the joy-
ful news was made public that the coin was recovered,
a feeling of thankfulness pervaded the-whole nation.
But his end came sooner than would have been
expected. He had been unwell in the winter of 1858-59,
and had travelled in Egypt, hoping to recruit his
strength. The interest he took in the ' Great Eastern,'
then nearing completion, would not allow him to com-
pletely rest, as he should have done, and he returned
to England to superintend the fitting out of his
monster vessel on the 5th September 1859. Whilst
so engaged, he became very unwell and went to his
home, where he was immediately seized by an attack
of paralysis from which he never recovered, dying on
1 5th September. He was buried at Kensal Green
Cemetery. A memorial window has been placed in
Westminster Abbey as a slight national tribute to the
remarkable genius of Isambard Kingdom Brunei.
The characteristics of Brunei's French nationality
are strongly developed in his works, all of them being
either on a gigantic scale or on theoretical bases. He
refused to follow other engineers. Many of his in-
novations were, without doubt, great improvements,
as instanced by the 7 feet gauge for railways, and the
various improvements in locomotives and railway
rolling stock, the ' Great Eastern ' steamship, etc.
92 A History of the Great Western Railway.
But like many other clever people, he lived before the
public were prepared for his great works. If he were
starting his career in this year of grace, he would soon
be to the front. He somewhat lost reputation over
the South Devon Atmospheric Railway, but doubtless
the principle is correct, but it has not been sufficiently
developed for working on a large scale, and now
engineers are too busily engaged with electricity to
give their time to this simple method of propulsion.
Brunei looked upon things from an engineer's point of
view, and any bold idea, if it could possibly be carried
out, he worked at energetically, never troubling to
inquire if the venture would be financially successful ;
but although he did not inquire into the monetary
condition of undertakings he was engaged in, yet he
freely invested his money in them, thus showing that
he believed in their ultimate success. The original
Great Western proprietors were more than satisfied
with him, and, on i7th January 1845, presented him
with a service of plate costing 2000 guineas, the
subscriptions to which were limited to 10 guineas. On
the centre piece was the following inscription :—
PRESENTED TO
ISAMBARD KINGDOM BRUNEL, ESQ.,
THE ENGINEER-IN-CHIEF OF THE GREAT WESTERN,
THE BRISTOL AND EXETER, THE CHELTENHAM
AND GREAT WESTERN UNION, AND THE
BRISTOL AND GLOUCESTER RAILWAYS,
BV 257 SUBSCRIBERS,
TO COMMEMORATE
THE COMPLETION OF THOSE
GREAT NATIONAL WORKS, AND TO
RECORD THEIR ADMIRATION OF THE
SCIENCE, SKILL AND ENERGY MANIFESTED
IN THE DESIGN AND EXECUTION OF THEM, THEIR
GRATITUDE FOR THE ADVANTAGES CONFERRED
ON THEMSELVES AND THE PUBLIC; AND
THEIR ESTEEM FOR THE INTEGRITY
AND WORTH OF HIS PERSONAL
CHARACTER.
A.D. 1845.
The Broad Gauge Leaders. 93
Mr Brunei rarely gave professional evidence for or
against any scheme he was not interested in as an
engineer, and was a most careful and useful witness,
always making it appear most clearly that what he
advocated was both highly necessary and easy of
accomplishment. He was, however, always careful to
personally prepare the proof of his own evidence, and
to state the way in which the questions should be
asked him in examination. Had Brunei lived for
twenty or even ten years longer, there can be but little
doubt that the Broad Gauge would still be flourishing
and increasing in our midst, and all deep-thinking
people would have long since come to the conclusion
that it was unmistakably a better gauge for a railway
than the 4 feet 8J inches one. Under Brunei's able
leadership they would have seen the Broad Gauge
System managed and developed in a manner com-
mensurate with the importance of the principles at
stake in the issue between the rival gauges ; but it
was not to be.
SIR DANIEL GOOCH.
We hardly know whether to bestow the greatest
praise upon the founder of the Broad Gauge, or upon
his pupil — Sir Daniel Gooch. At any rate Mr Gooch
lived longer and worked longer for the Broad Gauge
than did Mr Brunei, and is therefore better known to
the present generation.
He was born at Bedlington, Northumberland, on
24th August 1816, at 3 A.M., during a very violent
thunderstorm. His father was engaged at the iron-
works at Bedlington, which were owned by young
Gooch's second cousins. At four years of age, the in-
fant Daniel was sent to a school kept by two maiden
ladies. Some few years later he was sent to a school
kept by a clergyman at Condhall, 4 miles from Bed-
lington. His school life was a very happy one, full
94 -^ History of the Great Western Railway.
of youthful pranks and practical jokes, and Gooch was
always found at the fore in these. Except on Sunday
and during school hours, Daniel was allowed to spend
his spare time as he pleased, and he says, — ' I often
used to be out of the house on a Saturday morning
before any one was up. I remember eating my
breakfast before going to bed to save time in the
morning.' When Daniel was about twelve years old,
it was evident to his parents that he had a decided
talent for mechanical pursuits, and his father bought
him a little box of tools. His first introduction to
locomotives we give in his own words : — ' Before I
left Bedlington — I do not know in what year it was
— I went to Morpeth to see a steam engine working
on the common road. It was built by Messrs Haw-
thorn, of Newcastle, and drew a threshing machine
after it. I believe it was for the Duke of Northumber-
land. It was on its way from Newcastle to Alnwick.
I found it at a stand, owing to some defect, on a hill
a little before reaching Morpeth, but I waited to
see it repaired, and went on with the driver, making
the turnings of the streets capitally. It made a strong
impression on me. I knew all about the iron horses
as they were then called on the waggon way. George
Stephenson was often at my father's house, and used
to take a great deal of notice of me by taking me on
his knee and talking to me about pits, etc. At that
time he was much engaged in advising on colliery
matters, and had just commenced his glorious career.
My eldest brother Tom went to his works at New-
castle as a pupil.' In February 1831, the Gooch
family moved to Tredegar, in Monmouth, and Daniel,
at the age of fifteen, commenced working in Hum-
phrey's Ironworks there. In June 1831 occurred
the Merthyr riots, and the rioters compelled the men
employed at the Tredegar Works to go with them to
Rhymney, where the ' Riot Act ' was read, and the
crowd was dispersed. While here Daniel had two
narrow escapes. ' There were three large blowing
SIR DANIEL GOOCH.
Born 24th August 1816. Died I5th October 1889.
The Broad Gauge Leaders. 97
engines at Tredegar at that time, and they were all
connected by the blowing pipes, so that in case of
accident to one engine the others could blow the
furnaces. Each engine had a large regulator or sort
of iron balloon to equalise the blast from the varying
strength of the cylinders. To make their regulators
tight, it was the practice to put powdered lime in
them. A young fellow, a little older than myself, of
the name of Jenkins, and I were inside the blowing
cylinders putting on a new valve, when* one of the
firemen near lifted the valve between our engine and
the next one, when the blast came through the regu-
lator upon us, bringing with it the lime powder ; and
we could not get out, for the pressure shut the valves
where we were ; but as one was off in another
place, the engine-house was also soon' filled with lime,
and the engineer, knowing where we were and what
had been done, ran as hard as he could to shut off the
valve again, and returned to find us nearly dead from
suffocation. A very little more and it would have
been all over with us. Another occasion, I believe it
was quite accidental, but the result of carelessness,
although the engineer was a great friend of mine and
a good fellow. We were in the bottom of the cylinder,
and had just finished the work, one of the men had
gone out, and we were just about to follow, when we
were much astonished to see the engine start. The
piston at the time was about half stroke, so that we
could stand nearly upright. Fortunately it made its
first stroke upwards or we would have been flattened
like a cake between it and the bottom of the cylinder.
Before it had time to make the up-stroke and return,
we were able to crouch down into the square valve
box at the bottom (these tubes being about 2 feet
square and the same depth, just enough to crouch
into) when down came the piston again within an inch
or so of our heads. Fortunately the man who had
left us was in the engine-house, and shouted to the
engineer, who stopped the engine at once before she
G
98 A History of the Great Western Railway.
could make another up-stroke, or I fear the valves
would have given us a hard squeeze.'
Of the first wages Gooch earned he thus speaks :— -
' Those first few sovereigns gave me more pleasure
than millions could do now. When I first went to
work the important question of my wages took some
time to settle, and it was nearly four months before
finally an arrangement was made. I had sixteen
weeks pay due to me, and the amount per week being
95., I was indeed a proud boy as I walked away from
the pay table with upwards of £6 in my hand. I did
not think there was so rich a person in the world.
Oh, those first feelings of life once passed never to
return with equal force or earnestness ! ' On 28th
August 1833, Daniel had the great misfortune to lose
his father. After Mr Gooch, senior, died, the family
left Tredegar and went to Coventry, but Daniel stayed
till 24th January 1834, when he went to the Vulcan
Engine Foundry, near Warrington, the property of
Messrs R. Stephenson and Mr Tayleur of Liverpool.
This was the first time he had left home. He here
got his first impressions of railway riding on the
engines of the Liverpool and Manchester Railway, by
permission of the locomotive superintendent. Daniel
was not long at Warrington before his health gave
way, and he went home to Coventry. His brother
Thomas was at this time engineer on the Coventry
section of the London and Birmingham Railway, then
being constructed, and Daniel spent most of his time
on the line. Early in 1835 he left home again, going
to the Dundee Foundry at Dundee as a draughtsman,
arriving there on iyth February. Mr James Stirling
was the manager of these works. Here Daniel's
salary was £i a week, on which he kept himself.
He left the Dundee Foundry on 3ist December 1835,
and on 27th January 1836 he commenced duty at
Robert Stephenson's locomotive works at Newcastle-
on-Tyne. On 8th October 1836, Mr Gooch left
Stephenson's works and joined Mr R. Hawkes at
The Broad Gaiige Leaders. 99
Gateshead, their intention being to go into partnership
with a Mr Thompson as locomotive builders. He
then went to order the tools for his new firm, and
visited Tredegar and Bristol, where he called upon Mr
Brunei to try to obtain an order for some of the Great
Western engines. Brunei was not there, however,
but, being Board meeting day, he saw the Directors of
the Great Western Railway. In July 1837, he heard
that Mr Brunei required a locomotive engineer for the
Great Western Railway, and accordingly applied for
the post, calling on Mr Brunei on 2Oth July.
Mr Brunei visited Manchester, where Mr Gooch
was at that time residing, and on 9th August it was
arranged that Daniel Gooch was to have the post he
so much coveted, and so ably filjed. He went to
London and commenced his duties on i8th August
1837. In the chapters dealing with the Broad Gauge
engines, we have an account of his future career for
some years.
The small band of enthusiastic pioneers who had
so valiantly fought for the noble Broad Gauge from its
inception had year by year grown smaller, until, in
1864, all had left the Great Western Railway save Mr
Gooch, and in September of that year he sent in his
resignation. But his men at Swindon were so
attached to him that they determined to have him as
their parliamentary representative, and although at
the time he was at sea on the ' Great Eastern/ he was
returned by a considerable majority ; this was on 1 3th
July 1865. On loth November 1866, Mr Daniel
Gooch was created a baronet by Her Majesty. We
have just alluded to the loss the Great Western Rail-
way had undergone by the fact that all the energetic,
far-seeing men who had raised the line to the first
place in the railway world had by this time left ; the
Company having no capable men in authority it soon
fell into a most deplorable position, and its dividends
declined, and, of course, with them the market value
of the shares, which had fallen to the very low price of
i oo A His lory of the Great Western Railway.
Luckily at this critical juncture the shareholders
thought of Sir D. Gooch, and he was unanimously
invited to become the Chairman of the Company. No
vacancy would have happened on the Board till 1867,
but Sir Watkin Wynn, who had a seat by Act of
Parliament, resigned it to make room for Mr Gooch,
and on 2d March 1866, for the first time, he presided
as Chairman of Directors at a general meeting of the
shareholders of the Great Western Railway. Within
three years he had the extreme satisfaction of being
able to declare a dividend of 3f per cent., the highest
that had been earned for eighteen years. In April
1872, the effects of his wise management was further
exemplified by the payment being at the rate of 5f
per cent., and the value of the shares had risen to
^120. For these splendid services the shareholders
voted him an honorarium of ^"5000. He devoted his
attention to his beloved Great Western Railway until
1889, when, in February, he presided for the last
time at the general meeting of shareholders, and
declared a dividend of 7^ per cent. On i3th January
1 88 1, Sir D. Gooch was appointed Chairman of the
Railway Association. On i5th October 1889, Sir D.
Gooch breathed his last. The event was not un-
expected, as for many months previously his health
had been very indifferent. • The affection of his friends
did all that was possible to lighten his illness, but both
he and they recognised that the end was near, and,
therefore, were not unprepared for it. He was buried
in Clewer churchyard, and so ended the long and
useful life of one of the greatest men ever connected
with railways. It is possible that we may have other
men who will do as much for railways, but it will not
be possible for any man to do more to advance the
progress and efficiency of the iron horse. Sir D.
Gooch's splendid achievements will live in history long
after the works of contemporary engineers are buried
in oblivion. Clarum et venerabile nomen. Sir D.
Gooch married twice, first on 22d March 1838, to Miss
The Broad Gauge Leaders. 101
Margaret Tanner, who died on 23d May 1868 ; and
second on i/th September 1870, to Miss Emily
Barder, who survived his decease.
CHARLES ALEXANDER SAUNDERS.
When, in 1833, the Great Western Railway was
first projected and governed by two Boards of
Directors — one in London and the other at Bristol
—Mr Charles Alexander Saunders was appointed
secretary to the former one, and, after the line had
been constructed, the two Boards were amalgamated
and Mr Saunders was appointed secretary and general
superintendent of the railway, as a reward for the very
marked ability, tact and general utility he had evinced
in the development of the scheme. Nor could it have
been possible for the Directors to have chosen a better
man in any way to fulfil this most important position,
so ably discharged by Mr Saunders. The interests
of the Broad Gauge could not have been better looked
after, more jealously guarded, nor its system more
zealously developed than was the case under Mr
Saunders's able guidance. It is true that, in later
years, he rather pushed his ideas to the front, and so
caused somewhat strained relations between himself
and the Board ; not that the Directors were led to do
exactly as Mr Saunders advised, for, had his advice
been followed on more subjects than one, future
events proved that the Great Western Railway would
have amply benefited thereby. So entirely had he
given his sole attention to the progress of the Great
Western Railway that, in the railway world, it was a
common event to hear the observation that ' Mr
Saunders is the Great Western Railway/ In 1845
the shareholders were so gratified with the masterly
way in which he had fought their parliamentary battles
that they subscribed for and presented him with 300
reserved fifths shares in the Great Western Railway,
iO2 A History of the Great Western Railway.
while, some years later, they voted him an honorarium
°f ^5000. It was over the extensions northward
from Oxford that Mr Saunders made enemies. We
shall elsewhere detail how some of the shareholders
in the Birmingham and Wolverhampton ventures were
bought over by the London and North Western Rail-
way, and the long legal fight that resulted from the
treachery of these men ; but Mr Saunders took and
maintained a determined position on behalf of the
Broad Gauge^ and it was doubtless through his indomit-
able pertinacity of purpose and steadfast resolve to
conquer, that the Broad Gauge gained the triumph,
and was enabled to extend its system north of
Oxford. The Narrow Gauge clique above referred
to, seeing how determined Mr Saunders was to safe-
guard the interests of the Broad Gauge, sent one of
their leading men, who offered to give Mr Saunders
^25,000 to purchase an estate if he would retire from
the Great Western Railway's service. This person
had to beat a hasty and undignified retreat from the
presence of the irate Great Western secretary ; had he
not done so, Mr Saunders threatened to throw him out
of the window for daring to make such an offer ; but
the visitor, knowing Mr Saunders determination,
wisely decided that discretion was the better part of
valour, and showed his heels without further parley.
From this time the London and North Western party
became greatly embittered against Mr Saunders, and
in every way made his position as uncomfortable as
possible. Mr Brunei could not have had or desired a
more zealous partisan than he found in Mr Saunders,
for the latter was always ready to second every fresh
development of the Broad Gauge that Mr Brunei sug-
gested. The death of Mr Brunei was the first real
blow the Broad Gauge received, and it never recovered
from the shock ; while his death considerably weak-
ened Mr Saunders's position, and caused his enemies
to redouble their efforts to dislodge him from his posi-
tion. He wore out his life in the many hard struggles
The Broad Gauge Leaders. 1 03
he made for the Great Western Railway, and, early in
1 863, he wished to retire in consequence of failing health.
At that time the Great Western Railway Directors had
a most important Bill in Parliament for the amalga-
mating of the West Midland with their own system,
and so impressed were they with Mr Saunders's great
knowledge of railway parliamentary business that they
begged of him to stay and help them through with
the measure. Although the Bill was one galling to
the fine susceptibilities of Mr Saunders, in that it was
a compromise with Narrow Gauge lines, and pledged
the Great Western Railway to lay down the mixed
gauge over a large part of their system, he loyally
stayed to fight the battle on behalf of the Great
Western Railway, and was successful in so doing.
Mr Saunders resigned his position in September
1863, thereby effectually showing his disapproval
of the new policy. At the half-yearly meeting of
shareholders, held on i8th September 1863, the
Directors proposed to make him a retiring allowance
of ^1200 a year; this led to a most heated and acri-
monious discussion among the shareholders, which
lasted for five hours. His enemies mustered in full
force, and some went so far as to say that, instead of
paying him a pension of ^1200 a year, he ought to
be made to pay the shareholders a large sum yearly
for the loss he had caused them. The Directors' pro-
position was, however, carried. Unfortunately, Mr
Saunders lived but a short time after his retirement, for
on i Qth September 1864, he passed away, when sixty-
seven years old. In retirement he missed the
bustle of his previous busy life, as is often the case
with an energetic person, who, so long as he re-
mains in harness, defies ill health, but as soon as
the ceaseless exertion is relaxed, disease enters the
system already enfeebled by overwork, and carries
off another victim to join the great majority. Not
only does the Great Western Railway owe a
great deal to the life work of Mr Saunders, but
IO4 A History of the Great Western Railway.
every other railway as well; for when, in 1844,
Mr Gladstone introduced the 'Railway Confiscation
Bill,' that gentleman, now known as the ' Grand
Old Man,' but then as a 'very Jesuit with rail-
ways,' said, — ' If this Bill is thrown out, I shall
regard Mr Saunders as the man who has done it.'
Had this measure passed, the position of railway
shareholders to-day would have been worse than
that of Irish landlords ; but, thanks to Mr Saunders,
it did not pass. A Great Western shareholder thus
summed up the character of Mr C. A. Saunders :—
' That gentleman had given them not only the
best years of his life, but the energies also of his
active and capacious mind, and his practical knowledge
of railway matters, in which he was unsurpassed. He
had given them not only the labour they had a right
to expect from a secretary, but his days and nights
also. He had no object nearer his heart than the pro-
sperity and success of their great undertaking. More
hearty or emphatic eulogy was never bestowed, and
the modesty with which it was received confirmed its
justice.'
CHAPTER VII.
BATTLE OF THE GAUGES SOCIAL AND COMMERCIAL.
THE Great Western Railway is usually credited with
being responsible for the evils attending a break of
gauge, against which the trading community, strongly
supported by the Narrow Gauge railways, were always
murmuring, yet, in reality, the Narrow Gauge was en-
tirely responsible for the delays that occurred. It was at
Gloucester that difficulties first arose as to transferring-
o
goods from one gauge to another. A Narrow Gauge
line — the Birmingham and Gloucester — was opened
between those towns on 24th January 1840, while
the Bristol and Gloucester, a Broad Gauge line, was
opened for passenger traffic on 6th July 1844. This
latter line was 37|- miles long, and Mr Brunei was
the engineer. The line, although an independent one,
was considered by the Great Western Railway as a
dependent of theirs, the Great Western having sub-
scribed ,£50,000 of its capital, while the Bristol and
Gloucester line proper ended at Stonehouse, the 9 miles
from thence to Gloucester being leased from the Great
Western Railway, the Bristol and Gloucester trains
also used the Temple Meads Station of the Great
Western at Bristol. In passing, we mention that on
this line London time was observed at all the stations
from the first, although other railways were then and
for some years after running their trains according
to local time. The first time table of this line states
that London time is eleven minutes before Bristol
time. Goods traffic was commenced on Monday, 26.
September 1840, and in less than three months after
io6 A History of the Great Western Railway.
a series of strong leading articles appeared in the
Railway Chronicle on the ' Grevious mismanagement
in the goods traffic from Bristol through Gloucester
and Birmingham.' These articles show clearly that
the Birmingham and Gloucester Company was entirely
to blame, for we read, ' the evil lies chiefly at the
Birmingham end of the line, where, according to all
accounts, the goods traffic is in a lamentable state.'
The management of the Birmingham and Gloucester
Company is just now in a state of anarchy, and the
article goes on to say, — ' Now, what are the interrup-
tions in the passage of the traffic by railway ? They
arise from the existence of two gauges (the Birming-
ham and Gloucester being the Narrow Gauge, and the
Bristol and Gloucester being the wide gauge) and two
managements. The difference of gauge is now to be
regarded as a physical difficulty to be overcome as it
can best be done (just as if it were a steep incline) ;
and the greatest care should be taken that the frequent
recurrence to it as a pretext for delay do not render
it as a bugbear in the eyes of the public ; if it does so
a great injury will be. inflicted on both railways. With
two managements such a result will be sure to ensue.
We all know that somehow or other, with the most
virtuous intentions, the management on two contigu-
ous lines of railway never acts as one — there is always
a little cross pulling, a little difficulty as to dividing
receipts and expenses, a little jealousy of each other.
A very slight knowledge of human nature will tell us
why this is and must be, and that it is so there is no
doubt. This is the case with the wisest and best of
managements, much more so with the worst ; and we
fear that the Birmingham and Gloucester (the Narrow
Gauge line) is to be placed in the latter category.'
This article ends by suggesting the amalgamation of
the Great Western, Bristol and Gloucester, and Bir-
mingham and Gloucester.
But a very different arrangement was made, for, in
May 1844, the North Midland, Midland Counties,
Social and Commercial. 107
and the Birmingham and Rugby Junction Railways
amalgamated under the title of the Midlands — now
the Midland Railway, and as is usual the amalga-
mation spirit increased, and the Midlands looked
with longing eyes towards the Birmingham and
Gloucester line. In those days the practice was, when
one railway wanted to influence the policy of another,
to purchase shares as private individuals, and then,
under the guise of being shareholders, to endeavour
to get the policy of the purchasing company carried
out by the Board of the line in which the shares had
been purchased. We readily understand, then, that
when the Midland had in this way obtained an in-
fluence in the Birmingham and Gloucester Company,
their Narrow Gauge connections, together with the
Narrow Gauge prejudices of George Hudson and
Robert Stephenson, and also having in view the amal-
gamation of the two lines from Birmingham to Bristol
with their own company, that this new influence was
not used to make the working of the change of gauge
at Gloucester any smoother. So that from this time
the complaints as to the evils of the break of gauge
were more numerous, and were for the reasons we
have already mentioned being continually forced into
public notice. The Great Western Railway is in a
measure to blame in not obtaining the Bristol and
Gloucester line themselves, but they appear to have
been under the impression that it was virtually their
line, and, therefore, perhaps, did not pay sufficient
attention as to how matters were developing with re-
gard to it ; so that while the Broad Gauge champions
were busy in other districts, the Midland Railway had
quickly and quietly obtained the Birmingham and
Gloucester Railway, and the Bristol and Gloucester
line, by giving 6 per cent, guaranteed shares of their
own in exchange for the ordinary shares of the
Bristol line, which was an extremely good bargain
for the shareholders of the latter company. Matters
now stood like this— a determined Narrow Gauge
io8 A History of the Great Western Railway.
railway was owner of a through route from Bristol
to Birmingham, on which occurred a break of gauge.
The owning company, anxious to have the whole
line Narrow Gauge, and so to gain this end it natur-
ally made as much fuss as possible about the break
of gauge, while the trouble might have been reduced
to an insignificant minimum had it been to the Mid-
land Company's interest so to do. No one could
fail to acknowledge that to the goods traffic a break
of gauge was an evil, causing loss of time and possible
damage to the goods in transhipping from one truck
to another, besides being an additional expense. It
was therefore proposed to have trucks with move-
able bodies so that these bodies could be removed
by a crane from Broad to Narrow Gauge frames, and
vice versa ; but various objections were raised to this
system. The real reason, however, why this practical
remedy was not carried out being that none of the
companies interested would go to the expense of con-
structing the rolling stock necessary for this purpose.
This question of expenditure is also answerable for
another, but less practical method, not being in-
augurated, viz., the introduction of vehicles with
telescopic axles — a misleading description, as the axles
were not to be telescopic at all, they really being
axles long enough for the Broad Gauge, but on
which the wheels were not immovably fixed, but
could be slid along the axles and fixed at widths
suitable for the Broad or Narrow Gauge. Then a
species of crocodile Broad Gauge trucks was sug-
gested. These were to have low bodies, on the surface
of which were rails of the Narrow Gauge so that
Narrow Gauge trucks could be run on to them, and
so complete their journey to Broad Gauge stations.
Had this method been employed only the Great
Western Railway would have had to provide the
suitable vehicles, and we consider it was the most
feasible of all the propositions, being exactly similar
to the present method of conveying pantechnicon
Social and Commercial. 109
and other road vans on railway trucks. The Gauge
Commissioners, in the wisdom of their report, rejected
this proposal ' as entirely inapplicable to the traffic
of railways.' Another proposal was to pack through
goods in immense cases, and tranship these from Broad
Gauge to Narrow Gauge trucks, and vice versa. The
Gauge Commissioners reported this method as ' totally
inapplicable,' yet the registered baggage between
London and Paris via Boulogne is daily conveyed in
this way, and undergoes two transhipments in each
journey, while but one would have been necessary
with the break of gauge.
Although fifty years ago all the Narrow Gauge
railways said it was impossible to convey Broad Gauge
vehicles over their lines, yet, ' truth^ being stranger
than (Narrow Gauge) fiction,' the 'impossible' is done
every day in Germany at the present time. The
Standard Gauge waggons, measuring 24 feet 4 inches
long by 9 feet in width, are conveyed on the .75 metre
gauge (2 feet 5^ inches) of the Wurtemberg Railway,
a Narrow Gauge truck being fixed under each axle of
the larger waggon, which thus becomes a bogie vehicle
on the .75 metre line, and travels at high speed, and
round curves of short radii without accident ; the whole
alteration from one gauge to another not occupying
5 minutes per waggon.
With regard to the actual conveyance of goods both
the Broad and Narrow Gauge systems were about equal,
as we do not know of the partisans of either claiming
any special advantage in this respect for one system or
the other, save that a glass merchant at Worcester
found that the Narrow Gauge broke i^ per cent, more
in transit than the Broad Gauge, while the Broad
Gauge had the undoubted advantage of greater speed
and a greater carrying capacity per truck.
The disadvantages of a break of gauge with regard
to the passenger traffic were, of course, no worse than
the ordinary changing at junctions to and from branch
trains, about which no one complained ; in fact, on a
no A History of the Great Western Railway.
long journey, travellers are glad to change for the sake
of variety, yet a great outcry was raised about the in-
convenience of changing ; and since the Broad Gauge
brought passengers through to Gloucester, the draw-
back of the Cheltenham passengers was the one
usually commented upon. The Great Western line to
Gloucester was opened for passenger traffic on i2th
May 1845. It was necessary for London passengers
for Cheltenham to change from the Great Western to
the Birmingham and Gloucester train at Gloucester, so
the Narrow Gauge company, to aggravate the presumed
inconvenience, arranged their time table accordingly.
The Narrow Gauge trains from Cheltenham arrived at
Gloucester just after the Great WTestern trains had left
for London, and the Narrow Gauge trains to Chelten-
ham left Gloucester shortly before the Broad Gauge
trains from London were due. While travellers arriv-
ing by the last Great Western train at Gloucester had
either to proceed to Cheltenham by 'bus, if there were
room, or stay the night at Gloucester. The table
shows how the Narrow Gauge unnecessarily incon-
venienced travellers.
Cheltenham, depart 8.25. A.M. 10.18 A.M. 1.25 P.M. \ N r
Gloucester, arrive 9-5 » iQ-55 »^ 2.5 „ J x
depart 10.50 A.M. 4.0 ., ) ^ , '
arrive from London 9.25 P.M.
,, depart for Cheltenham, 8.50 ,, (last train) Narrow Gauge.
The reasons urged against the break of gauge in re-
gard to the passenger traffic are certainly amusing.
Thus one person complained that owing to the break
of gauge he exchanged ' the companionship of a
pretty young lady for that of an ugly old one with her
parrot and pet cat.' A clergyman at Banbury said,
' He did not want the little hair he had on his head
rubbed off by riding in the London and Birmingham
Company's low carriages. He would vastly prefer
travelling the whole distance in one of the splendid
carriages of the Great Western Company than being
Social and Commercial. 1 1 1
transferred to one of the little pig boxes on the London
and Birmingham line.' . ' Jeames,' in Punch, very
cleverly takes off the alleged inconveniences in his
account of a journey to Cheltenham. ' I never
thought that I should have been injuiced to write
anything but a bill again, much less to edress you on
railway subjix, which with all my sole I abaw. But as
a man an' 'usband, and a father and a freebon Brittn,
my jewty compels me to come forwoods, and igspress
my opinion upon that nashnal newsance — the break of
gage. An interesting event in a noble family, with
which I once very nearly had the honour of being
kinected, acurd a few weex sins, when the Lady
Angelina S— — , daughter of the Earl of B , pre-
sented the gallant capting, her husband, with a son
and hair. Nothink would satisfy her ladyship but
that her old and a.ta.c\\t fam-dy-s/tam&er, my wife Mary
Hann Plush, should be present upon this hospicious
occasion. Capting S was not jellus of me on
account of my former attachment to his lady. I
cunsented that my wife Hann should attend her, and
me and my wife, and our dear babby acawdingly set
out for our noable friend's residence, Honeymoon
Lodge, near Cheltenham. Sick of all railways myself,
I wisht to poast it in a chay and four, but Mary
Hann, with the hobstenacy of her sex, was bent upon
railroad travelling, and I yealded like all husbinds.
We set out by the Great Western in an eavle hour.
We didn't take much luggitch — my wife's things in
the ushal band-boxes, mine in a potmancho. We had,
ingluding James Hangelo's (the baby before mentioned)
rattle and my umbrellow, seventy-three packidges in
all. We got on very well as far as Swindon, where, in
the splendid refreshment room, there was a galaxy of
lovely gals in cottn velvet spencers, who serves out
the soop, and one of whom maid an impresshn upon
this 'art which I shoodn't like Mary Hann to know—
and here to our infanit disgust we changed carridges.
I forgot to say that we were in the secknd class,
ii2 A History of the Great Western Railway.
having with us James Hangelo and twenty-three
other light harticles. First inconvenience, and almost
as bad as break of gage. I cast my hi upon
the gal in cottn velvet, and wanted some soop of
course ; but seasing up James Hangelo (who was
layin' his dear little pors on an 'am sangwidg) and
seeing my igspresshn of hi, " James," says Mary Hann,
" instead of looking at that young lady — and not so
very young neither — be pleased to look to our
packidges and place them in the other carridg." I
did so with a 'evy 'art, I eranged them twenty-three
articles in the opsit carridg, only missing my
umbrellow and baby's rattle ; and just as I came
back for my baysn of soop, the beast of a bell rings,
the whizzling injians proclayms the time of our
departure — and farewell soop and cottn velvet.
Mary Hann was sulky. She said it was my losing
the umbrellow. If it had been a cottn velvet
umbrella I could have understood. James Hangelo,
sittin' on my knee, was evidently unwell without his
coral, and for 20 miles that blessid babby kep' up a
rawring, which caused all the passingers to simpithize
with him igseedingly. We arrive at Gloster, and there,
fancy my disgust at being ableeged to undergo another
change of carridges. Fansy me holding up moughs,
tippits, cloaks and baskits, and James Hangelo rawr-
ing still like mad, and pretending to shuperintend the
carrying over of our luggitch from the Broad Gage to
Narrow Gage. " Mary Hann," says I, rot to despera-
shn, " I shall throttle this darling if he goes on." " Do,"
says she, " and go into the refreshment room," says
she, a-snatchin' the babby out of my arms. " Do go,"
says she, "you're not fit to look after luggitch," and she
began lulling James Hangelo to sleep with one hi,
while she looked after the packits with the other.
" Now, sir, if you please, mind that packit — pretty
darling — easy with that box, sir, it's glass — po-o-o-o-ty
poppet — where's the deal case, marked arrowroot, No.
24 ? " she cried, reading out a list she had — and poor
Social and Commercial. 1 1 3
little James went to sleep. The porters were bundling
and carting the various harticles with no more
ceremony than if each packidg had been of cannon
ball. At last — bang goes a packidg marked "glass,"
and containing the chayny bowel and Lady Bareacres'
mixture, into a large white band-box, with a crash and
a smash. " It's my lady's box from Crinolines!" cries
Mary Hann, and she puts down the child on the
bench, and rushes forward to inspect the damage. As
James was asleep, and I was by this time uncommon
hungry, I thought I would go into the refreshment
room and just take a little soop ; so I wrapped him up
in his cloak and laid him by his mamma and went off.
There's not near such good attendance as at Swindon.
We took our places in the carridg in the dark, both of
us covered with a pile of packidges, and Mary Hann
so sulky that she would not speak for some minutes.
At last she spoke out, " Have you all the small
parcels?' "Twenty-three in all," says I. "Then
give me the babby." " What, haven't y-y-yo-o-o-o-o
got him ? " says I ... O Mussy ! you should have
heard her sreak. Wed left him on the ledge at
Gloster. It all came of the break of gage.'
To show how severely the gauge controversy
raged, we mention that at Gloucester the Great
Western had the following placard posted up at their
station and about the city.
' Observe - — Petition ! ! ! Petition ! ! ! 50 miles an
hour versus 25. Coaches before waggons. No change
of carriage. The blessings of the Broad Gauge for
the northern districts. Safety and speed before cramp
and delay. Advancement before retreat. The peti-
tion will be ready in a day or two. Brunei for
ever!! Hurrah!
'To the Right Honourable, the Commons in Par-
liament assembled, —
'The humble petition of the undersigned passengers,
travelling between Birmingham and Bristol by rail-
way on the day of ;
H
1 14 A History of the Great Western Railway.
' Sheweth, — That your petitioners travelled between
Birmingham and Bristol by railway, and that when
they arrived at Gloucester they were .compelled, owing
to the change in the width of the rails (which your petU
tioners believe is called "break of guage ") to remove
from one carriage to another.
' That your petitioners were I hour and 45 minutes in
performing the journey between Bristol and Gloucester,
a distance of 37 miles, on what your petitioners believe is
called the "Broad Gauge ; " and that they were occupied
2 hours and 35 minutes in the remaining part of the
journey, between Gloucester and Birmingham-, in what
your petitioners believe is termed the " Narrow Gauge,"
a distance of 33 miles. That your petitioners thereby
consider that they were detained - - hours -
minutes, beyond what they consider a reasonable time
for the performance thereof. That your petitioners
were provided with a large and commodious carriage
for their accommodation on what they believe is
termed the Broad Gauge ; and that your peti-
tioners were cribbed, crowded, cramped and con-
fined and nearly stifled in the small and inconvenient
one provided by that portion which your petitioners
believe is called the Narrow Gauge portion of their
journey. That your petitioners observe with regret
that the decision of certain narrow-minded and anti-
quated persons has been mistaken for the experience
of men of wide experience, intelligent and enlightened.
And therefore your petitioners implore your honourable
House not to be biassed thereby, but to adapt to loco-
motion the same expansive and comprehensive princi-
ples that your honourable House has latterly applied to
legislation.
' That your petitioners entreat your honourable
House not to impede the advancement of science
and improvement of locomotion, nor to confine it to
the narrow limits of 4 feet 8|- inch gauge, and a speed
of 25 miles an hour. That your petitioners would
not be inconvenienced if an uniform gauge did not
Social and Commercial. 1 1 5
exist in the northern and southern districts of the
country.
' That your petitioners therefore entreat your hon-
ourable House not to debar the northern and southern
districts from the advantage of the superior accommoda-
tion of the Broad Gauge, but to remedy the existing
evils, by extending it throughout to all the districts
alike. — Your petitioners/ etc.
The books and pamphlets written on the subject
would form quite a modest library if collected. Per-
sonally, we are acquainted with the titles of at least
twenty-one of the interesting works on this momentous
question.
The Midland did not alter the gauge of the Bristol
and Gloucester Railway when it first obtained control
of it, for at the time Slaughter & Company held a
contract for ten years from the opening of the line
to provide the rolling stock and work the railway.
The engines provided had driving wheels 6 feet 6
inches diameter, the carriage wheels 3 feet 6 inches
diameter, while the goods trucks were only four wheel
ones instead of six wheel, as usually provided for the
Broad Gauge.
CHAPTER VIII.
THE PARLIAMENTARY BATTLE.
IN the Session of 1844 the London and South
Western Railway obtained powers for the construc-
tion of a railway to Salisbury. The Great Western
Railway considered this to be an invasion of their
territory. In the same Session a so-called independ-
ent company, but in reality the London and South
Western, also applied for powers to construct a railway
from Basingstoke to Newbury ; the Great Western
Railway offered strenuous opposition to this line, and
although the Commons pronounced in favour of it by
1 66 votes to 73, the Lords' Committee threw the Bill
out. So that, as the Great Western Bill was thrown
out by the Commons, and the South Western by the
Lords, no railway was sanctioned to Newbury in 1844.
To the north of their line the Great Western Railway
had no Parliamentary battle to fight in 1844, but in
that year new lines were projected from Oxford to
Rugby, and another from Oxford to Worcester and
Wolverhampton, both these the London and Birming-
ham opposed, and projected rival schemes. The
London and South Western, or the so-called local
companies, promoted lines from Salisbury to Yeovil,
this being a continuation of the Basingstoke to Salis-
bury branch in course of construction, and a line from
Salisbury to Dorchester and Weymouth, also a rail-
way from Basingstoke to Didcot, and another through
Newbury to Swindon. The Great Western lines in
opposition to these latter were from Reading to
Basingstoke, and to Hungerford via Newbury, while
116
The Parliamentary Battle.
117
another line was projected from Chippenham to
Yeovil, Dorchester and Weymouth, with a branch to
Salisbury. To show the magnitude of the Parlia-
mentary struggle which was expected to take place
in the Session of 1845, we give the following list
of Bills to be fought over by the Great Western
Railway.
Narrow Gauge Lines opposed by
Great Western Railway.
Broad Gauge Lines supported by
Great Western Railway.
Cornwall and Devon Central.
Gloucester and Hereford.
Staines and Windsor.
Southampton and Dorchester.
Basingstoke and Didcot.
Basingstoke to Swindon.
London and Birmingham Rail-
way.
Worcester, Dudley and Wol-
verhampton.
Salisbury and Weymouth.
Salisbury and Yeovil.
Cornwall Railway.
Crediton and Barnstaple.
Exeter and Crediton.
Forest of Dean, Gloucester and
Hereford.
South Devon and Tavistock.
Oxford, Worcester and Wolver-
hampton.
Oxford and Rugby.
Berks and Hants Railway.
South Wales Railway.
Torquay and Newton Abbot.
Monmouth and Hereford.
Wilts, Somerset and Weymouth.
Uxbridge and Staines.
But at the commencement of 1845 the Great
Western and London and South Western Rail-
ways entered into an arrangement by which it
was agreed, that upon consideration of the Great
Western Railway giving up to the South Western
the lease of the Southampton and Dorchester Rail-
way, which line the Great Western had before agreed
to work, the London and South Western withdrew
the Bills they had promoted, so by this clever arrange-
ment the Narrow Gauge Basingstoke, Didcot and
Swindon Junction Railway, the Salisbury and Yeovil
Railway, the Hook Pit Deviation to Salisbury, and
the Dorchester ; and the Salisbury and Weymouth
1 1 8 A History of the Great Western Railway.
Railway were not proceeded with, and the London and
South Western also agreed to withdraw the support
they were giving to the Cornwall and Devon Central
Railway. The fight in Parliament between rival
Broad and Narrow schemes was by this arrangement
confined to the lines to the north of the Great
Western main line, and to the competing Cornwall
Railways.
On the 3d of March the Oxford and Rugby Bill
first came before the Committee of the House of
Commons ; the next day the Committee reported that
the standing orders had been complied with, and the
Bill was read a first time on 5th March, and on the
loth it was read a second time, while the Oxford,
Worcester and Wolverhampton Bill was read a first
time on igth March, and a second time on 8th April.
The Select Committee ' F/ consisting of five mem-
bers, before whom the Bills in the Oxford and
Birmingham district were fought, commenced sitting
on 5th May. The real fight was between the
Worcester, Dudley and Wolverhampton Railway,
promoted as a Narrow Gauge line by the London
and Birmingham, and the Oxford, Worcester and
Wolverhampton, and the Oxford and Rugby, which
were Broad Gauge lines. The Board of Trade had
already reported against the Broad Gauge, as Mr
Austin, who conducted the case for the London and
Birmingham Company, did not forget to continually
remind the Committee ' that this question of gauge
was the great one the Committee had to settle.' He
admitted that on great lines the Broad Gauge was
most advisable, but not on this one, it being in the
nature of a branch, and he argued that the break of
gauge ought to be located at Oxford and Bristol, as
was then the case, and not at Birmingham and Rugby,
as the Broad Gauge wished it to be. Mr M'Connell,
the locomotive engineer then of the Bristol and
Gloucester Railway, but afterwards of the London and
North Western Railway, was a witness for the
The Parliamentary Battle. 119
Narrow Gauge, and he stated that the Broad Gauge
had advantages in respect of speed and power, and
must always continue to have, since they had more
room for the boilers and machinery of the engines.
All the chief Narrow Gauge railway engineers, in-
cluding Robert Stephenson, were called in support of
the London and Birmingham Company's line, and
after having heard evidence for twelve days in favour
of this line, the case for the Broad Gauge was begun.
The inhabitants and merchants of Worcester were
wholly in favour of the Great Western line. Mr
Williams, engineer to the Severn Navigation, stated
that the London and Birmingham wished him to give
evidence, but when they heard his vfews of the
schemes they said, — 'We will havev nothing to do
with you, your evidence will sink us.' After the
Committee had sat for three weeks, the Chairman
stated that they had heard quite sufficient evidence
proving the popularity of the Great Western Railway
over the London and Birmingham line, and that part
of the case closed. During the whole of 28th May
Mr Brunei was giving his evidence. His principal
points were, that this Great Western line had been
projected as long ago as 1836, and that the gradients
of this line were better than the Narrowr Gauge ones,
his steepest being i in 80, while the Narrow Gauge
had i in 67, besides which his line was shorter by
15 miles, and the Broad Gauge line traversed a more
densely populated district than that of the London
and Birmingham. No difficulty would arise as to
transhipping trucks from one gauge to another, as he
had invented a simple contrivance to carry out this
purpose, and it worked admirably. Nearly the whole
of the next day was taken up with Mr Brunei's cross-
examination. The Secretary of the Grand Junction
Railway also gave evidence in favour of the Broad
Gauge line. The opposition of the Grand Junction
Railway was felt very much by the London and
Birmingham Railway, and so fearful was the latter
i 2O A History of the Great Western Railway.
that the former would amalgamate with the Great
Western Railway, and so give the Broad Gauge access
to Manchester and Liverpool and the north-western
district generally, that the fear of such a coalition was
the principal factor that caused the London and
Birmingham to be so desirous of amalgamating with
the Grand Junction Railway, and which was duly
carried into effect in 1846. The evidence was
finished on 26. June, and then Mr Cockburn addressed
the Committee on behalf of the Broad Gauge line.
MX Austin replied in behalf of the London and
Birmingham project, and on 4th June, after deliber-
ating for three hours, the Committee decided that
the preamble of the Broad Gauge Bills had been
proved, and that the Narrow Gauge had not. The
Committee sat for five weeks hearing the evidence
for and against these rival proposals. This was
indeed a decided success for the Great Western, more
especially as their propositions had been reported
against by the Board of Trade. In the House of
Commons, on 2oth June, Lord Ingestre moved the
consideration of the report on these Bills, and Mr
Cobden moved an amendment asking for a Select
Committee to inquire into the gauge question. After
a very long debate the original motion was carried by
a majority of 134 in a House of 360 members. On
24th June the third reading of the two Bills was
moved, and an amendment proposed ' that the Bill
should be read a third time that day six months.' On
this occasion the Worcester Bill was passed without
a division, and the Rugby one by 132 votes to 95.
The next day Mr Cobden moved — ' That it having
been represented to this House by petitions from
various public bodies, as well as from merchants,
manufacturers and others, that serious impediments
to the internal traffic of the country are likely to arise
from the " breaks " that will occur in railway communi-
cations from the want of a uniform gauge ; and these
representations not having been fully inquired into by
The Parliamentary Battle. 121
any of the Committees of this House upon private
Bills, and it being desirable that the subject should be
further investigated, an humble address be presented
to Her Majesty, praying Her Majesty to be graciously
pleased to issue a Commission to inquire, whether, in
future private Acts for the construction of railways,
provision ought to be made for securing an uniform
gauge, and whether it would be expedient and prac-
ticable to take measures to bring the railways already
constructed, or in progress of construction, in Great
Britain into uniformity of gauge ; and to inquire
whether any other mode of obviating or mitigating
the apprehended evil could be adopted, and to report
the same to this House.' This after a long discussion
was agreed to, and in the London Gazette of Tuesday,
5th July 1845, notice was given of the appointment of
Sir John Mark Frederic Smith, Lieutenant-Colonel of
the Royal Corps of Engineers, late Inspector-General
of Railways ; George Biddell Airy, Esq., Astronomical
Observertor in Her Majesty's Observatory at Green-
wich ; and Peter Barlow, Esq., Professor of Mathe-
matics in the Royal Military Academy at Woolwich,
to act as Commissioners. The Worcester and Rugby
Broad Gauge Bills came before the Lords' Committee
on 8th July, and on the 24th, after spending fourteen
days in hearing the evidence, the Committee declared
the preamble proved. These Bills for the Broad Gauge
lines from Oxford to Worcester and Rugby were
passed on 28th July, and received the Royal assent on
4th August. The Rugby line was 50^- miles long,
with a capital of ,£600,000, and the Wblverhampton
had a mileage of 1034, and a million and a half capital.
The other Broad Gauge Bills that passed in this
Session were—
Berks and Hants, . . 39 miles long, ^£400,000 capital.
Exeter and Crediton, . 5^ ,, ., ^70,000 „
Monmouth and Hereford, . 36^ „ ,, ;£55°,°°° »
South Wales, . . . 182! ,, „ ,£2, 800,000 „
Wilts, Somerset and
Weymouth, . . . 129! „ „ .£1,500,000 „
122 A History of the Great Western Railway.
Here, then, were a series of triumphs for the Broad
Gauge. Victorious everywhere, yet by these very
victories the cause of the Broad Gauge was in danger
of annihilation, for the various Narrow Gauge com-
panies, fearing the onward march of the Broad Gauge,
amalgamated their railways and consolidated their
forces for a renewed and more determined attack.
The public generally were in favour of the Broad
Gauge ; the larger vehicles, the more powerful en-
gines, and the higher rate of speed, all appealed to
the popular fancy, while much of the success of the
Great Western Bills must be ascribed to the remark-
able talent, skill and decision of Mr Brunei and Mr
Saunders ; each in his own sphere designed, managed
and carried through the various arrangements neces-
sary for the great Parliamentary contests of this
memorable year.
The next move in the battle was made by the
Narrow Gauge parties, and we cannot but own that
it reflects great discredit on those who were respon-
sible for these dishonest and underhanded proceed-
ings. The London and Birmingham, not being
successful in obtaining their Worcester, Dudley
and Wolverhampton Act, set to work to try and
acquire the line sanctioned by Parliament, viz., the
Broad Gauge Oxford, Worcester and Wolverhampton
Railway. It must be remembered that although this
line was promoted, and its Parliamentary battle fought
by the Great Western Railway, it was nominally an
independent company, although the Great Western
Railway had subscribed half the capital. The first
general meeting of shareholders of the Oxford,
Worcester and Wolverhampton Company was held
on i4th October 1845, and the question was raised
by a person who turned out to be a nominee of the
London and Birmingham Railway as to whether some
better terms could not be obtained for their line than
those provisionally agreed between their Company
and the Great Western Railway. A discussion fol-
The Parliamentary Battle. 123
lowed, but the arrangement with the Great Western
Railway was confirmed.
The Directors, however, afterwards obtained a
guarantee of 4 per cent, and a share of the profits
from the Great Western Railway Company, and a
lease of the line was granted to the Great Western
Railway on these terms for 999 years. Matters pro-
gressed in a satisfactory manner till the half yearly
meeting, held in August 1846, when Lord Redesdale
(who up to that time had been a staunch supporter of
the Great Western Railway) surprised the Oxford,
Worcester and Wolverhampton shareholders by stat-
ing— ' He was a holder of five shares, but he appeared
on public grounds and on behalf of many individuals
connected with the district in which he resided, and
who thought with him that if the company allowed the
Great Western to carry out the Oxford and Birming-
ham line they would be perpetrating a suicide on
themselves. All that they got from the Great
Western was 4 per cent. That amount and more
they could get from the London and Birmingham to-
morrow if they chose to go to them.' In answer to
this, one of the largest shareholders stated that ' Re-
ports of Gauge Commissioners and Acts of Parliament
had been thrown in the way of the extension of the
Broad Gauge, but they were to be treated as so many
cobwebs. The Commissioners' report had been proved
to be not worth a rush, and to be founded in the teeth
of evidence and truth, and the Act of Parliament just
passed was not worth much more. A Broad Gauge
would bear up to Liverpool as well as to Birmingham
before two or three years were over. The men of
London were travelling to Exeter, 200 miles, in 4
hours, while to Liverpool, only 3 or 4 miles more, they
were more than 6 hours ; and the best possible proof
that this prediction would be realised was the fact that
Mr G. Stephenson told him a month ago that they had
got to the maximum of their speed on the Narrow
Gauge, and could not go faster to Liverpool. Mer-
1 24 A History o/ the Great Western Railway.
chants in Liverpool also had told him that they would
not rest till they got the Broad Gauge if they could
save 2 hours between Liverpool and London.'
However, the shareholders still remained loyal to the
Broad Gauge, and at this meeting a dividend of 4
per cent, was declared payable by the Great Western
Railway, although the Oxford, Worcester and Wolver-
hampton Railway was only then being constructed.
Matters, to outward appearances, remained in a peace-
ful condition, and progress was made with the con-
struction of the line, but the Narrow Gauge party
was working in secret, and in March 1847 they called
a meeting of the shareholders, at which a resolution
was carried that a committee be formed to adopt steps
to set aside the lease to the Great Western Railway
Company. Meetings to agitate the same question
were shortly after held in Leeds and Liverpool (towns
far away from Broad Gauge railways). Leaving the
Parliamentary struggle for the present we now propose
to describe the exciting events of the engineering
battle that raged at this time, including the experi-
ments made by the Gauge Commissioners. In a
future chapter we shall return to the Parliamentary
struggles of subsequent years.
CHAPTER IX.
ENGINEERING BATTLE.
IN a previous chapter we have given a somewhat
detailed account of the early engines and vehicles
in use on the Great Western Railway.
Our readers will also remember that on the day
the line was opened to Exeter the -train conveying
the Great Western Directors returned to London in
4 hours 40 minutes ; this was, of course, a special
train, and made an exceptionally quick run. But
the gauge contest put the Great Western Railway
on their mettle, and from the i2th May 1845 it was
arranged that the express trains to and from Exeter
would perform the journey in 4^ hours — the down
train left Paddington at 9.45 A.M. and arrived at
Exeter at 2.15 P.M., and the up train left Exeter at 12
noon and arrived at Paddington at 4.30 P.M. At
present the fastest down train (the ' Cornishman ')
starts at 10.15 A.M. and arrives at Exeter at 2.20 P.M.,
while an up express now leaves Exeter at 12.12 P.M.
and arrives at 4.30 P.M. Not much improvement with
regard to speed during half a century certainly ! Then,
as now, all trains had to stop at Swindon 10 minutes
for refreshments, the Great Western Railway having
covenanted to do this in the lease for ninety-nine
years granted to the refreshment contractor, who
pays them a rental of id. per annum in consideration
of him building the refreshment room at his own cost.
One writer, in describing these expresses, states, that
' This was before the Great Western Railway suffered
from the incubus of the Swindon Refreshment Rooms.'
125
126 A History of the Great Western Railway.
He is, however, in error, as the lease was then in
existence, and no sooner had the new trains, which
did not stop at Swindon, been put on the road, than
the lessee commenced an action against the railway
for breach of covenant. The railway in their defence
alleged that the plaintiff ought to have proved that
there were passengers in these trains who wished to
take refreshments at Swindon before he would be
entitled to sue. The Court, however, decided in
favour of the refreshment contractor ; but as the Long
Vacation had interposed during the hearing of the
action, this judgment was not delivered until ist
.December 1845. But although these fast trains did
not for the first few days stop at Swindon, they had to
contend with a far more serious hindrance at Bristol,
which caused considerable delay, and which we have
not found mentioned by other writers. At Bristol
the lines of the Great Western and the Bristol and
Exeter met at right angles, so that the vehicles of all
through trains had each to be uncoupled from another,
and one by one placed upon a turn-table and turned
round 90 degrees, and then the carriages had to be
connected again before the train could proceed, and
this was, of course, an effectual bar to any accelera-
tion that might have been obtained by not stopping
at Bristol. These express trains had not been running
long before the down one unfortunately met with an
accident. On lyth June the train, which consisted
of an engine and tender, a four-wheeled luggage van,
and two first and two second-class carriages, each
with six wheels, left Paddington at the booked time,
and travelled as usual until after passing under the Dog
Kennel Bridge, 15 miles from Paddington, when
the wheels of the van left the rails on the south
side ; but the longitudinal sleepers kept the wheels
quite close to the rails, so that none of the officials
or passengers were aware of the mishap. After run-
ning for about a mile and a half with the van ofT
the line, the train reached a place where the railway
Engineering Battle. 127
crossed over a road by means of a bridge. The rails
being laid in trough-shaped girders here, the wheels
of the van which were off the line ran foul of these
girders. This threw all the vehicles off the line except
the engine ; the carriages were turned completely over,
and throwrn down an embankment. There were 130
passengers in the train, amongst whom were Mr
Brunei and an assistant, and Mr Clarke, the super-
intendent of the line, and his wife. Fortunately none
of the passengers sustained any more serious injuries
than a few bruises and a severe shaking. The total
weight of the train was as follows: — Engine, 16 tons;
tender, 10 tons ; van, 3^- tons ; two first-class carriages,
each 7^ tons ; two second-class carriages, each 7 tons ;
total, 58^- tons. The cause of the accident was the
elasticity of the rails, combined with the light weight
of the van, causing the latter to ' jump ' off the line.
The Narrow Gauge party immediately attributed this
catastrophe to the speed and the gauge, but the
Government Inspector in his report distinctly stated
that it was due to the lightness of the van and rails,
and recommended the use of a six-wheel van and
heavier rails, which recommendation was immediately
carried out ; in fact, heavier rails were already being
put down, and the work had been finished nearly up
to the spot where the derailment took place. At the
time the Gauge Commission was appointed there were
open in Great Britain and Ireland 2264 miles of rail-
way, of which
274 were 7 feet (Broad Gauge),
25 „ 6 ,, 2 inches (Irish),
32 „ 5 „ 6 ,, (Scotch Gauge),
32 » 5 » 3 » (Irish Gauge),
1901 „ 4 „ 8| „ . (Narrow Gauge),
including the Eastern Counties and Blackwall Rail-
ways which had recently altered their gauge from
5 feet. There were also a few miles of 4 feet 6 inch
gauge in Scotland. Besides which 65 if miles of ad-
ditional Broad Gauge lines had received Parliamen-
128 A History of the Great Western Railway,
tary sanction, some portions of which were then
under construction. At the same period the highest
speeds were :—
Great Western, . . 48.2 miles per hour (E.G.),
Northern and Eastern, .43.8 „ (N.G.),
London and Birmingham, 43.7 ,, ,,
South- Western, . . 40.6 ., ,,
London and Brighton, .39.3 ,, „
Grand Junction Railway, . 36.9 ,, ,,
The Great Western speed for the whole journey,
London to Exeter (194 miles), was at the rate of 44
miles an hour, while the London and Birmingham
average was but 23.6 miles per hour for its express
trains.
We have already stated the names of the Gauge
Commissioners ; of these Sir F. Smith, a lieutenant-
colonel of the Royal Engineers, had formerly, but not
immediately prior to his appointment on the Commis-
sion, filled the office of Inspector General of Rail-
ways, so that he had some theoretical knowledge of
railways; Professor Barlow, C.E., was a well known
mathematician, and had undertaken many experiments
in connection with railways — he was therefore well
fitted to act as a Commissioner ; but the appointment
of Sir G. B. Airy, the astronomer royal, was cer-
tainly a questionable one. A newspaper, in an article
dealing with Sir G. B. Airy's appointment, thus
criticises it, — 'What the third party, Professor Airy,
the astronomer royal, can have been appointed for
we find railway men rather puzzled to see, the con-
nection between the satellites of Jupiter or the last
comet and the motion of railway trains being rather
obscure to unscientific eyes. The only paper of a
practical nature we have ever seen from the pen
of the astronomer royal went to prove that, in
practice, a short connecting rod gave out as much
power as a long one, and we fear such an investi-
gation is not likely to impart great confidence in
the practical wisdom of his decisions. With two
Engineering Battle. 129
such coadjutors, however, it is not likely that he
will do much harm if he do no good ; and, per-
haps the public, who are much influenced by names,
may think a decision stamped with the authority
of an astronomer royal more valid than a better
opinion with a more vulgar appendage. We think,
however, that we may say that the railway world
are well satisfied with the appoinment of Professor
Barlow and Sir Frederick Smith, and if the orna-
ment of the third name shall give their decision
more weight with the Government, it will not impair
its influence with the railways.' The Commissioners,
whose office was in the House of Commons Com-
mittee Room, No. 1 6, soon got to work, and its
first act was to issue a circular addressed to the
various railways, asking them to tender evidence
before the Commissioners, and also to forward copies
of their last two half-years' reports for information
on the following subjects : — ' Tunnels, etc. — Length,
breadth, height, distance from terminus. — Embank-
ments above 100 yards in length. — Width, extreme
height, distance from terminus. Cuttings above 100
yards in length. — Width, extreme depth, distance from
terminus. Viaducts. — Length, width, height, distance
from terminus. Bridges. — Number of passed under,
passed over ; width between the piers ; width between
the parapets ; distance from terminus ; point of junc-
tion with adjacent lines or branches, name of adjacent
line or branch ; breadth of gauge, principal line, branch.
' Support for the Rails. — Length of line on con-
tinuous bearing ; length of line on blocks ; length
of line on transverse sleepers ; average length of
transverse sleepers. Permanent Way. — Cost of for-
mation ; cost of maintenance between the ist of
January and the 3ist of December 1844.
' Engines with Outside or Inside Cylinders. — Num-
ber of engines having four or six wheels ; diameter
of driving wheels ; diameter of cylinder ; length of
stroke ; average weight when charged.
i
1 30 A History oj the Great Western Railway.
' Carriages. — Class of carriage, first class, second
class, third class ; trucks, horse boxes, goods waggons,
sheep cages ; number of carriages with four or six
wheels ; diameter of wheels ; average weight.
' Value of Locomotive and Carrying Stock. — Value
of locomotive engines ; value of carriages, trucks,
horse boxes, goods waggons, etc.
' Carrying expenses from \st January to ^\st De-
cember 1844. — Passenger trains. — Average expense of
locomotive department per train per mile ; heads
of expense included in this return ; average number
of passengers per train per mile ; average speed.
Goods trains. — Average expense of locomotive de-
partment per train per mile ; heads of expense in-
cluded in this return ; average load carried per train
per mile ; average speed. Express trains. — Average
speed of express trains from the i5th of June to
the 1 5th of July; average load ; description of engine
used ; number of accidents from going off rails ;
length and radius of curves.'
Not content with the answers to these exhaustive
inquiries, a supplementary list was shortly after
formulated. These questions, which dealt principally
with the transhipment of goods at points where
the two gauges met, were as follow: — i. In the
delay it will occasion to express trains. 2. On
passenger trains generally. 3. On merchandise
traffic. 4. On mineral and agricultural traffic. 5.
The Commissioners request the suggestions of the
directors as to the best means of transhipment, or
of otherwise diminishing any evil which may arise
where different gauges meet.
In reference to the general questions of the
relative superiority of the Broad and Narrow
Gauge an opinion is requested : — i. As to the
mechanical properties of either gauge as regards
safety, speed, and passenger accommodation. 2. As
to the economy of construction, working (referring
separately to lines of large traffic and lines of
Engineering Battle. 131
moderate traffic). 3. As to commercial advantages
and convenience having regard to merchandise,
mineral traffic and agricultural traffic.
On 6th August 1845, the Commissioners met for
the first time, for the purpose of hearing evidence ;
Mr Daniel Gooch, the locomotive superintendent of
the Great Western Railway, was left to fight for the
Broad Gauge before the Commissioners. Mr Brunei
and Mr Saunders being at this time abroad on a holi-
day, and not giving their evidence till the end of
November, when Mr Brunei proposed the famous ex-
periments with passenger and goods trains, particulars
of which are given in the next chapter. The Narrow
Gauge party strongly opposed these practical tests,
although in their evidence they had all affirmed that the
Narrow Gauge engineswere quite as capablewith regard
to speed, safety and hauling powers as the Broad Gauge.
They had been building new and larger engines, hop-
ing that these would be able to equal those in use on
the Great Western Railway, who were content to use
their ordinary engines in these trials. Had the Great
Western Railway had the 'Great Britain' built in
time for these experiments, Mr Gooch affirms that the
whole character of the gauge report would have been
entirely different. The new Broad Gauge engines were,
however, not designed until after the experiments. Mr
Gooch, writing of the new engines built for the experi-
ments by the Narrow Gauge party, thus relates his ex-
perience of them : — ' They constructed the boilers of
great length without getting any more heating surface
in the fire-box, and allowed this exceptional length to
overhang the wheels at each end. ' The White Horse
of Kent,' on which I had a number of experiments
made, was so unsteady that it was necessary to be tied
on to make experiments on the smoke-box temperature,
and the tube surface was carried to so great an extent,
that the heat in the smoke-box was less than the
temperature of the steam used, so that one end of the
engine was actually acting as a condenser.'
132 A History of the Great Western Railway.
The Commission examined forty-six witnesses, and
some of these more than once. Thirty of these were in
favour of the Narrow Gauge, four in favour of the
Broad Gauge, and nine in favour of an intermediate
gauge. Of the remaining three, two generals in the
army only gave evidence against the break of gauge,
and the other, Major General Pasley, the Government
Inspector of railways, was in favour of a 5 feet gauge ;
and in 1843, when the question of gauge began to
attract general attention, Major General Pasley wrote
to the various railway engineers the following letter :—
1 Supposing that there were no railways in England,
and that a system of new ones were proposed to em-
brace the most important communications all over the
country, what would you with your present experience
recommend as being the best uniform gauge to be
adopted for the whole of them, so that they all might
work together in such a manner that the locomotive
engines and carriages of any one railway might travel
on all the others ? ' Of all these engineers, the two
Stephensons were the only ones who replied that they
were in favour of the 4 feet 8|- inch gauge, and
George Stephenson admitted in the correspondence
that 5 feet 2 inches would have been a better gauge.
Mr Brunei was not asked as his answer was a fore-
gone conclusion; but for the same reason the Stephen-
sons should have been omitted from the list of those
questioned. Mr Gooch in his reply stated, — ' That he
was not inclined to recommend a greater gauge than
6 feet.'
The Broad Gauge witnesses were : — Mr Brunei,
the engineer of the Great Western Railway ; Mr
Gooch, locomotive engineer ; Mr Saunders, secretary ;
Mr Clarke, superintendent of the line, while all the
principal locomotive engineers were in favour of an
intermediate gauge, none considering the Narrow
Gauge suitable to the development of the loco-
motive.
Bury. William and Benjamin Cubitt, Gray and
Engineering Battle. 133
Roberts were the locomotive engineers who gave
evidence against the 4 feet 8|- inch gauge, while
Vignoles was in favour of a 6 feet gauge, and Land-
mann (engineer to the Greenwich Railway) of a gauge
between 5 feet and 6 feet.
CHAPTER X.
THE GAUGE EXPERIMENTS.
THE Great Western Railway proposed that the experi-
ments should take place on the Broad Gauge between
London and Bristol and back, and on the London
and Birmingham Railway between those two places,
both ways for the Narrow Gauge ; but the latter party
would not agree to this obviously fair proposal, the
4 feet 8|- inch champions preferring a short length of
line, such as could be run without stopping for a fresh
supply of water. The Narrow Gauge therefore chose a
very straight and level length of line between York
and Darlington, 45 miles long, while the Great
Western chose the 53 miles from London to Didcot.
The Great Western used cold feed-water for their
locomotives, and started their experimental trains from
a state of rest, while the Narrow Gauge used warm
water, and attained a velocity of 10 miles an hour
before the starting point was reached. The Broad
Gauge experiments were carried out on the days
arranged — in the middle of December — two of these
days were very unfavourable, on one a high wind was
blowing, and on the other a small drizzling rain was
falling, both causing the speed to be considerably less
than would have been the case under more favourable
atmospheric conditions.
The Broad Gauge engine used for the passenger
train experiments was the ' Ixion,' built by Fenton and
Murray, a six-wheel engine with single drivers, 7 feet
diameter, cylinders 15 inches diameter, 20 inch stroke,
weight of engine loaded, about 22 tons. On i6th
134
The Gauge Experiments.
135
December the experimental train consisted of eight
carriages, each weighing 10 tons, the gross weight
being 81 tons 13 cwt. (exclusive of the engine and
tender). The following is the official timing of this
trip up and down :—
No. of
Miles.
STATIONS.
FIRST TRIP
Down, A.M.
hrs. min.
Up, P.M.
hrs. min.
Started from Paddington,
9 S^i
Reached first mile post, .
10 2\
* 4f
West London Crossing, .
10 61
1 2i
5j
Baling, .
IO II
12 59
Hanwell,
10 13
12 57
9
Southall,
10 ^I/]f
12 55|
13
West Drayton,
IO 20
12 50^
18
Slough, ....
10 25^
12 44i
22|
Maidenhead, .
10 30^
12 40
3°l
Twyford,
10 40
12 31
35i
Reading,
10 46
12 26
4Ji
Pangbourne, .
10 52^
12 2O
444
Goring, ....
10 56^
12 l6
47i
Wallingford Road,
II O
12 13
53
Didcot, ....
ii 6^
12 4^
Total time on road
i 4
I Cj
(52 miles)
It will be well here to observe the gradients
between London and Didcot on the down journey.
They are as follows :—
Miles. Posts.
From ^ to 2^- rise 3 feet per mile
9f v 4 »
:QJ- level.
12?
9i
I2f
*i fall 4
;A level.
20
4
rise 2
136 A History of the Great Western Railway.
Miles. Posts.
From 20 to 23 rise 4 feet per mile.
» 23 M 3 4T " 4 " "
32t » 36i fall 4 »,
36J- „ 42 rise 4 „
42 „ 43 level.
43 „ 44 rise 2.1 ,,
»» 44 »> 53 » 4 » »
being a total rise of i22j feet in the 53 miles, or, de-
ducting the 52 feet fall, we have a net rise of 7 of feet,
against which the down train had to contend, which,
coupled with a head wind, accounts for the longer
time on the down journeys.
In the afternoon another trip was made with only
seven carriages of a total gross weight of 71 ton (ex-
clusive of the engine and tender). The times on this
occasion were less, the train starting from Paddington
at 2.4!- P.M., and arriving at Didcot at 3.8 P.M., taking i
hour 3|- minutes for the journey, and on the up journey
56^- minutes. We may mention that in the official
timing of this train on the up journey, with wind and
gradient in its favour, i^ minutes is the time booked
as occupied in travelling the 3^- miles from Wallingford
Road to Goring, or at the rate of 130 miles an hour;
there must surely be some mistake in the timing on
this particular part of the journey. The train was
that evening got ready with six carriages of a gross
weight of 60 tons (without engine and tender), and left
at the platform in readiness for the trip on Wednes-
day morning. Before starting, Inspector Craig, one
of the Paddington Station officials, examined the train
to see if all were right, when, to his amazement, and to
the astonishment of the Broad Gauge party, it was
found that the grease had been removed from the
axle boxes of all the carriages in the night, and but
for Mr Craig's great carefulness, the trial would have
been spoilt, considerable damage done to the rolling
stock, and possibly even an accident to the train.
The Gauge Experiments. 137
Let us hope, for the honour of British fairness, that
the Narrow Gauge officials were not responsible for
this underhand proceeding, although doubtless it was
the work of some Narrow Gauge fanatic. Mr Craig
only retired from active duty at Paddington Station
at the end of 1893, after over fifty years' service.
The trips on the i7th were timed as follows (drizzl-
ing rain falling the whole time) starting from Paddington
at io.2|- A.M., and arriving at Didcot 11.5 A.M., thus
taking i hour 2 J minutes to complete the journey ;
and on the return, starting at 12.4 P.M., and arriving at
Paddington 1.3 P.M., 59 minutes in all.
This train consisted of six carriages, and weighed
(without the engine and tender) 60 tons. Despite the
unfavourable state of the weather, so successful had
the Broad Gauge experiments been; that the Narrow
Gauge engineers said that it was unnecessary for a
trial to be made with the 5o-ton train, as they well knew
their engines would be unable to perform the feats
already achieved on the Great Western Railway, and
they did not want another defeat with a still lighter
train. Although not in the official experiments, the
' Ixion' a few days later worked a train of twelve car-
riages, or 1 20 tons, from London to Didcot in i hour 7
minutes, being at the rate of 47 miles an hour, a very
fine performance, seeing that in the official trials the
same engine only took 80 tons at the rate of 50 miles
an hour.
For the goods train experiment the Great Western
Railway used the ' Sampson,' a six coupled engine with
wheels of 5 feet diameter, cylinders 16 inches by 18
inches, and with a fire-box area of 97 square feet, and
a tube area of 600 square feet.
This engine (not built for, nor being in any way
especially qualified for the trial) easily drew a train of
400 tons from London to Didcot at an average speed
of 24 miles per hour for the whole journey.
The first Narrow Gauge experiment was made on
3Oth December. The passenger engine was a six-
138 A History of the Great Western Railway.
wheel one with four coupled 6 feet 6 inch wheels ; out-
side cylinders, 15 inches by 21 inches; height of boiler
top from rails, 7 feet 4 inches. The engine was a new
one built for the occasion by R. Stephenson and Com-
pany, and weighed with the tender 28 tons.
The weight of the train was 50 tons only. It will
be recollected that the weights of the experimental
trains upon the Broad Gauge (exclusive of engine and
tender) were fixed at 80 tons, 70 tons and 60 tons, but
that the actual tonnages were 81 tons 13 cwt., 71 tons
i2;f cwt, and 61 tons 2 qrs. It will be seen, there-
fore, that this experiment upon the Narrow Gauge
line has no parallel working upon the Broad Gauge.
The Broad Gauge party appeared to be con-
siderably surprised at the reduction of 10 tons be-
low the lowest of the weights taken by the Broad
Gauge engine, and Mr Brunei, Mr Saunders and Mr
Gooch stated that the result of the working of such a
train, to the running of which, however, they said they
did not object, could not have the slightest reference
to any one of the experiments tried between Paddington
and Didcot. The determination to take 50 tons was
come to without consulting the Commissioners. Mr
Brunei's original proposition was, that the experi-
mental trains should respectively weigh 90 tons, 80
tons, and 70 tons ; but to gratify the desire of the
Narrow Gauge interests, he agreed to run trains of 80,
70 and 60 tons. Professor Barlow said he thought it
not fair to run a 5o-ton train when the lowest of the
tonnages taken by the Broad Gauge locomotive was
60 tons. Mr Bidder said the object of the advocates
of the Narrow Gauge was to show the capacity of their
engines as well with a 5O-ton as with 60, 70 or 80-
ton trains, and that they should most assuredly take
experimental trips with those tonnages. At 9 hours
7 minutes 15 seconds the train started from the
station in order to proceed to the first mile post,
from which it had been understood the experiment
was to commence. Upon the Great Western line, the
The Gauge Experiments. 139
experimental trains left the Paddington Terminus and
were brought to a stand-still at the first mile post.
This, however, was not the case with the Narrow
Gauge, the train passing the post at 9 hours 1 2 minutes
17 seconds.
The train stopped at the Darlington Station at
10 hours 27 minutes 20 seconds. It will here be
seen that the 43 miles were performed in i hour 13
minutes and 53 seconds, or at the rate of nearly 35
miles per hour. The maximum speed (between the
fifth and sixth mile posts) was nearly 53 miles per hour,
and the minimum rate rather more than 25 miles an
hour. The average speed of the 8o-ton train (ex-
clusive of the engine and tender) upon the Broad Gauge
line was 47.5 miles per hour, and the maximum speed
55 miles per hour. There was, however, one thing
greatly against the Narrow Gauge experiment of this
morning, viz., the wind. When the train left the York
Station the weather was not at all unfavourable ; the
horizon promised rain, but very little wind was stirring.
Up to the tenth mile post, the result promised to be
very good.
The poorness of the result was attributed by the
Narrow Gauge engineers to the oblique wind, blowing
across the rails, first encountered about the tenth mile
post from York. When Mr Brunei heard these ex-
cuses made for the slowness of the trip, he facetiously
observed that it was caused by the presence of George
Hudson, the ' Railway King,' who was at his usual
practice of ' raising the wind.' After waiting at the
Darlington Station about an hour, Mr Bidder proposed
to return with four carriages only. Professor Barlow
objected to return in a train of four carriages, and that
number of carriages which had been detached from the
train was again put on and the return trip commenced
at 12 hours 8 minutes 15 seconds. The train reached
the first mile post from the York Station at i hour
32 minutes 8 seconds, performing the 43 miles, there-
fore, in i hour 23 minutes and 53 seconds, or at a
140 A History of the Great Western Railway.
speed of about 30 miles an hour. The following day
a further trial was made with the 5o-ton train, when
the 43 miles were covered in 53 minutes 28 seconds, or
at the rate of 48 miles an hour ; the wind being in
favour of the train this time. The next trip was with
an 8o-ton train, which, however (contrary to the Broad
Gauge practice), had attained a speed of 12 miles an
hour when passing the first starting point, and this
train also had the wind in its favour, while the Broad
Gauge 8o-ton train had a strong wind blowing against
it. The train took 58 minutes 30 seconds to cover the
43 miles against 52 minutes 37 seconds on the first
43 miles of the Broad Gauge trip of 53 miles. The
average speed on this occasion on the Narrow Gauge
was 44 miles an hour. On the third day a serious
accident happened ; another Narrow Gauge engine
having been brought from Derby and four carriages
being attached to it, it started on a trip from York to
Darlington. The Commissioners were not in the train,
but most of the rival engineers were, five people being
on the engine itself. The train had travelled 22 miles
in 27 minutes, when the engine ran off the line and
pitched into a ditch 60 yards further on ; only the
stoker being seriously injured. In consequence of
this accident no formal experiment took place on this
day, nor were any further experiments made with
passenger trains on the Narrow Gauge. On the next
day (Friday) the goods train experiments took place.
The engine chosen was the ' Hercules,' with six coupled
wheels 4 feet 6 inches diameter, cylinders 15 inches by
24 inches, fire-box area 60 square feet, tube area 900
feet, or a total heating surface of 263 feet in excess of the
Broad Gauge goods engine. The train of 200 tons
was taken from York to Darlington in 2 hours 14 minute
20 seconds. The return trip with forty-seven loaded
trucks weighing 400 tons and over 300 yards long, was
performed in 2 hours 16 minutes and 41 seconds, or at
the rate of 19 miles an hour. The results of the ex-
periments were in every case greatly in favour of the
The Gauge Experiments. 141
Broad Gauge. Not only were the speeds higher and
the journeys performed for a longer distance and under
conditions less favourable as regards the weather, to-
gether with the locomotives employed starting from a
state of rest, and the use of cold feed water, but in all
issues, and especially in those where the weights of the
trains were equal, the results attained by the Broad
Gauge stand out far superior to the Narrow Gauge
efforts.
Well might the Broad Gauge party have looked for-
ward to a favourable report, extolling the greater excel-
lence of their system in every particular, and for a clear
and unreserved commendation of the 7 feet gauge by
the Commissioners, together with full leave for the ex-
tension of the Broad Gauge lines in all directions, where
public support of the fully demonstrated and undoubted
superiority of Mr Brunei's railways and vehicles, re-
quired such lines to be constructed. But alas ! this justly-
expected and completely-warranted expectation on the
part of the ' Sesquipedalians ' was unhappily doomed
to disappointment, for, soon after the experiments were
completed, rumour (who for once lied not] said the re-
port would be in favour of the Narrow Gauge, and so
it was ; for, in the middle of February 1846, the
Commissioners presented their report.
CHAPTER XI.
THE GAUGE COMMISSIONERS* REPORT.
THE report was delivered by the Commissioners in
the middle of February (and will be found in detail in
the Appendix at the end of this volume). It was
divided into three sections, with a general conclusion.
Each of these sections was again subdivided under
several heads.
Section i, on the break of gauge, was sub-
divided. Fast or express trains. — The report
under this heading may be considered in favour
of the Broad Gauge, the conclusion arrived at by the
Commissioners being that they did not ' consider the
break of gauge in this instance as being an incon-
venience of so grave a nature as to call for any legis-
lative measures, either for its removal or for its
mitigation.'
Section 2. Ordinary or mixed trains. — The evil of
a break of gauge (although then only existing at
Gloucester) was considered in this section ' to be an
inconvenience of a very serious nature . . . legislative
interference is called for to remove or mitigate such an
evil.' What a conclusion ! And if this evil were
present then, when the break of gauge occurred at
the junction of two distinct and independent com-
panies at Gloucester, how much- more frequently does
the necessity for changing carriages happen in travel-
ling to and from branch lines, which are owned,
managed and worked by the same company as the
main line. To be logical, the Commissioners should
have ' called for legislative interference, requiring the
142
The Gauge Commissioners Report. 143
companies to run through carriages to and from each
branch and the main line by every train.' Nor could
they, with a sense of justice under similar circum-
stances, refuse a through carriage to any passenger
who had booked to a station on a ' foreign line,' which
makes this conclusion of the Commissioners a verit-
able reductio ad absurdum.
Section 3. Goods trains. — Considering that at the
time the experiments were made, and the report pre-
sented, most of the goods traffic was in the hands of
railway agents, who did all the work, and in many
cases provided the waggons, the railway companies
then only hauling the trains of waggons from place to
place, which (or the still more simple purpose of pro-
viding a railway only for others to use) was the
original intention for which railway companies were
incorporated. But the whole method of dealing with
goods traffic now being long since changed, the rail-
way companies now doing the whole of the work
themselves, so that under these entirely changed con-
ditions the report upon this sub-section has really but
little application at the present time.
Section 4. Conveyance of troops. — ' This is an-
other use of railways which we have deemed it neces-
sary to consider' The lieutenant-colonel, who was
one of the Commissioners, evidently wished to show
he had a practical knowledge of something, and so
deemed it necessary to consider ' something ' they
were never appointed to consider ; and after this Com-
missioner had made this occasion to drag in his per-
sonal experience, and having heard the expert
evidence of such important authorities as the Quarter-
Master General of the Forces, and the Inspector-
General of Fortifications, they found that in time of
peace the inconvenience of a ' break of gauge ' would
not amount to ' an evil of great importance,' but in
time of war the case would be different. For a break of
gauge, when it would be necessary for the troops to
travel with their artillery, the delay caused by the
144 A History of the Great Western Railway.
break of gauge ' might expose the country to a serious
danger.' But the artillery of to-day does not consist of
pocket pistols, and is not usually carried about with the
troops, loo-ton guns being a bit too heavy for the
Narrow Gauge. Our coast defences would certainly
be in a bad condition if they were waiting for the
artillery to be delivered by the local railways when
required for use.
Dealing with Section 2, remedies for the evils of
a break of ga^lge^ the following methods were re-
ported upon: — ' First. What may be termed telescopic
axles ? An arrangement of the wheels and axles of
carriages permitting the wheels to slide on the axle, so
as to contract or extend the interval between them
in such a manner that they may be adapted to either
of the gauges. Secondly. A form of truck adapted to
the Broad Gauge, but carrying upon its upper surface
pieces of rail 4 feet 8J inches asunder, so that a
Narrow Gauge carriage may be run upon these rails
without any disturbance of its wheels. Thirdly. A
method of shifting the bodies of the carriages from
a platform and set of wheels adapted for one gauge to
a different platform and set of wheels adapted to the
other gauge. Fourthly. A proposal to carry merchan-
dise and minerals in loose boxes, which may be shifted
from one truck to another, and of which one only
would probably be carried upon a Narrow Gauge
truck, while two would be conveyed on a Broad
Gauge truck/
On telescopic axles they reported : — ' In respect
to the shifting axles, the attendant would have
to adjust a great many carriages in succession
(as there are sometimes a hundred waggons in a
goods train). The adjustment must be made hurriedly
and often in the night ; and the attendant's thoughts
would probably have been partly occupied with the
loading of goods and other station arrangements.
On the score of danger, therefore, we think that
this construction might be at once abandoned.
The Gauge Commissioners Report. 145
With regard to the second proposed remedy, the
Commissioners prefaced their answer with this sage
remark, — ' The plan of placing a Narrow Gauge
carriage upon the top of a Broad Gauge truck has,
on the face of it, this obvious difficulty, that a Broad
Gauge carriage cannot be placed in the same manner
upon a Narrow Gauge truck.' Surely less highly
intelligent men than an astronomer royal, a lieutenant-
colonel, and a professor of mathematics could have
found this out, without being specially appointed as
a Royal Commission.
Third, shifting bodies. This the Commissioners
allowed to be practical, since they could not do
otherwise, as the Broad Gauge had taken pains to
investigate the plan which was in daily use in France,
and to bring the same before the Commissioners,
who reported : — ' The system of shifting the bodies
of carriages from road wheels to railway wheels
is practised successfully in France, where the dili-
gences from Paris to distant towns, proceeding on
road wheels from the Messagerie of Paris to the
railway station, are carried on a peculiar railway
truck as far as Rouen and Orleans, and are then
again placed on road wheels to continue their
journey.
The use of loose boxes for goods was the last
method considered, and ' the result of this experience
is, that in one instance of a temporary character, where
the whole operation was under the control of one
engineer, it succeeded.' The result of the conclusions
under this head was, ' That no method has been
proposed to us which is calculated to remedy, in
any important degree, the inconveniences attending
a break of gauge.'
Section 3, on uniformity of gauge, sub-divided
under headings — (i) for safety ; (2) public accommoda-
tion and convenience ; (3) comparative speeds on the
gauges ; (4) comparative economy.
For safety. — No preference was given to either
K
146 A History of the Great Western Railway.
gauge, except for trains running at high speed, when
the Broad Gauge was considered to be the safer.
Piiblic accommodation and convenience. — This sec-
tion of the report was generally in favour of the
Broad Gauge, the Broad Gauge carriages being stated
to be more commodious and the travelling smoother,
especially at high speeds. The Narrow Gauge
was reported on as more convenient for goods
traffic.
Comparative speed on the gauges.— Here again
the Broad Gauge was considered decidedly superior.
' We are fully satisfied that the average speed on
the Great Western, both by the express trains, and
by the ordinary trains, exceeds the highest speed
of similiar trains on any of the Narrow Gauge lines.'
A high tribute was paid to the fairness of the
methods used in the trials by the Broad Gauge
engineers. ' We must observe, however, that while
the Great Western Company have not altered in
any degree the plan of their engines, the higher
velocities of the Narrow Gauge lines have been
attained by the introduction of a more powerful kind
of engine than was employed at an earlier period,
and probably the new engines now used on the
Narrow Gauge lines are as powerful as they can
well be made, within the limits of their gauge,
whereas the Broad Gauge lines have still a means
of obtaining an increase in the power of their engines
and of increasing their speed.' How far Mr Gooch
at this time was ahead of all other locomotive en-
gineers is clearly shown in this section of the
report, for we read, — ' In proceeding to compare the
locomotive engines, we remark, in the first place,
that the fire-boxes, boilers, etc., of the Narrow Gauge
engines still possess a smaller evaporating power
than those of the Broad Gauge engines, although
recent attempts have been made to raise the former
to the level of the latter ; but those attempts have
not succeeded ; and it is indisputable that, what-
The Gauge Commissioners Report. 147
ever can be done for the Narrow Gauge in this re-
spect, can be surpassed on the Broad Gauge.'
The report on this section concluded with this
paragraph : — 'Impediments to maintaining the present
express speed. The chief of these are : — First. The
difficulty of arranging the trains where the traffic is
frequent, so that the fast trains shall be entirely pro-
tected from the chance of interfering with, or coming
into collision with, the slower trains, or those that stop
at numerous stations. Second. The difficulty of seeing
signals, especially in foggy weather, in time to enable
the engine-driver to stop the fast trains. We feel it a
duty to observe here that the public are mainly in-
debted for the present rate of speed, and the increased
accommodation of the railway carriages, to the genius
of Mr Brunei and the liberality of the Great Western
Railway Company.' But the invention of the block
system of signalling and continuous brakes have entirely
done away with these impediments. The engineering
improvements and scientific developments of later
years have completely removed all the objections of the
Commissioners. The various obstructions which they
considered fatal to farther advancement, or precluding
of amelioration, have been swept aside and entirely
overcome by the forward march of applied science.
Had the Commission taken place thirty or even
twenty years later, one half of the report would
not have been written, for the deductions and conclu-
sions drawn by the Commissioners on the results that
would accrue from the various suppositional premises
would at this later period have been found to be en-
tirely incorrect, or else the conditions under which the
conclusions were arrived at would have been so com-
pletely changed that such speculations would have
been unnecessary in the face of various improvements
which had in the meantime been developed, and which
were at this later period in daily use on railways.
Comparative economy. — The conclusion under this
head of the report was meant to be entirely in favour
148 A History of the Great Western Railway.
of the Narrow Gauge, and although it was proved that
the Great Western Railway worked their locomotives
more economically than the London and "Birmingham,
yet the Commissioners, by a superficial but ingenious
method of calculating what it would cost the Great
Western Railway as a Narrow Gauge line, concluded
that the Narrow Gauge was more economical. The
Broad and Narrow Gauge locomotive power is com-
pared thus : — ' The London and Birmingham Company
have from the commencement persevered in the use of
light four-wheeled engines, while the Great Western,
availing themselves of the facilities their gauge affords,
have adopted large and powerful engines, which are
worked at nearly the same cost per mile as the former ;
and if such engines as those on the London and Bir-
mingham line were essential to the Narrow Gauge,
the question as to the economy of working might be at
once decided in favour of the Broad Gauge.'
The general conclusions of the Commissioners were
— ''First. That as regards the safety, accommodation and
convenience of the passengers, no decided preference is
due to either gauge, but that on the Broad Gauge the
motion is generally more easy at high velocities.
Secondly. That, in respect of speed, we consider the
advantages are with the Broad Gauge ; but we think
the public safety would be endangered in employing
the greater capabilities of the Broad Gauge much be-
yond their present use, except on roads more consoli-
dated and more substantially and perfectly formed
than those of the existing .lines. Thirdly. That in the
commercial case of the transport of goods, we believe
the Narrow Gauge to possess the greater convenience
and to be the more suited to the general traffic of the
country. Fourthly. That the Broad Gauge involves the
greater outlay, and that we have not been able to dis-
cover either in the maintenance of way, in the cost of
locomotive power, or in the other annual expenses,
any adequate reduction to compensate for the addi-
tional first cost.'
The Gauge Commissioners Report. 149
In some further remarks the Commissioners state, —
' We are desirous, however, of guarding ourselves from
being supposed to express an opinion that the dimen-
sion of 4 feet 8|- inches is in all respects the most
suited for the general objects of the country. Some
of the engineers who have been examined by us have
given it as their opinion that 5 feet would be the best
dimension for a railway gauge ; others have suggested
5 feet 3 inches, 5 feet 6 inches, and even 6 feet.' The
report concluded with the following recommendations :
— ' First. That the gauge of 4 feet 8|- inches be de-
clared by the legislature to be the gauge to be used in
all public railways now under construction, or here-
after to be constructed in Great Britain. Second.
That, unless by the consent of thejegislature, it should
not be permitted to the directors of any railway com-
pany to alter the gauge of such railway. Third. That
in order to complete the general chain of Narrow
Gauge communication from the North of England to
the Southern Coast, any suitable measure should be
promoted to form a Narrow Gauge link from Oxford
to Reading, and thence to Basingstoke, or by any
shorter route connecting the proposed Rugby
and Oxford line with the South Western Railway.
Fourth. That as any junction to be formed with a Broad
Gauge line would involve a break of gauge, provided
our first recommendation be adopted, great commercial
convenience would be obtained by reducing the gauge
of the present Broad Gauge lines to the Narrow Gauge
of 4 feet 8^- inches ; and we therefore think it de-
sirable that some equitable means should be found of
producing such entire uniformity of gauge, or of
adopting such other course as would admit of the
Narrow Gauge carriages passing without interruption
or danger along the Broad Gauge lines.'
The cost of the Gauge Commissioners to the
country was ^571, ios., and the result, like that of
most other Royal Commissions, was a long report,
with various recommendations, which, as usual, were,
150 A History of the Great Western Railway.
or were not, acted upon by those concerned as was
the more convenient upon certain occasions.
The Broad Gauge party were greatly surprised at
the text of the report, as we have already stated that
they considered that the whole of the events and
evidence had tended directly and indirectly in their
favour, and therefore the unexpected rebuff thus ad-
ministered to the Great Western Railway was the
more severely felt. But never was a presum-
ably defeated side so cleverly and fearlessly led
and defended as was the Broad Gauge party by
the ' Dauntless three.' For with all the other rail-
ways, as well as those indirectly connected with the
railway world, against them, and these strengthened
by the report of a Government Commission ; they
had against this solid phalanx, for the time being,
fickle popular opinion on their side, for the public
had witnessed the plucky combat, and partly be-
cause the Broad Gauge was fighting against such
tremendous odds, partly because of the superior
accommodation provided by the Great Western
Railway in the matter of commodious and comfortable
carriages, quick trains and smooth travelling, but chiefly
because many of the public had studied the question
from an impartial standpoint and had arrived at the
definite conclusion that the Broad Gauge was im-
mensely superior to the Narrow in very many respects.
So the Broad Gauge leaders, undismayed by the
tenor of the report, continued the fight. The first
thing Messrs Brunei, Saunders and Gooch did, was
to prepare a reply to the report of the Commission-
ers, which was published in the middle of March — a
most expeditious literary production considering the
voluminousness of the work and the necessity for
accuracy of detail, dealing as it did with all phases
of the gauge controversy. The book was entitled,
' Observations on the Report of the Gauge Com-
missioners presented to Parliament,' by the promoters
of the Broad Gauge. It was a folio publication,
The Gauge Commissioners Report. 151
consisting of fifty closely printed pages, illustrated with
plans and maps, the price being is. It appeared to
be compiled in a half-humorous spirit, the compilers
hoping by flippancy to cast opprobrium on the report.
Mr Gooch thus describes its preparation : — ' We had
some good fun over it. We met at Mr Saunders's
house for a few hours each day until it was complete,
and we of course proved that the Commissioners had
come to quite a wrong conclusion.'
In the conclusion of the Observations the writers
give a summary of the points they considered to have
been proved in the controversy, viz. :—
' That the question of " break of gauge " originated
as a cloak to a monopoly.'
' That even if the gauge were uniform, through
trains would be impracticable.'
' That the transfer would be of little inconvenience.
That any advantage of small waggons was applicable
to the Broad Gauge, but that the advantage of large
waggons was not applicable to the Narrow.'
' That the competition between the two systems
was advantageous.'
' That the final recommendations of the Com-
missioners were at variance with their separate
conclusions.'
' That it would be unjust to refuse to allow the
Broad Gauge to be laid down on lines for which it
was already sanctioned by Parliament.'
' That the inquiry before the Commissioners was
not properly conducted, and that consequently no
legislation ought to be founded on it.'
' That the data published by the Commissioners
were often wrong, and in some cases led to the
reverse of their conclusions.'
' That greater economy was proved on the Broad
Gauge.'
' That the Broad Gauge was superior in the
points of safety, speed and conveyance of troops.'
' That the experiments made in the presence of the
152 A History of the Great Western Railway.
Commissioners had demonstrated beyond all con-
troversy the complete success of the Broad Gauge
system.'
For these and other reasons, a strong protest
was made against any legislative interference with
the Broad Gauge system. A reply was published
to these arguments, and during the controversy a
large number of pamphlets, articles and other publica-
tions appeared on both sides.
Mr Brunei's views on the whole question about
this time are concisely expressed in the following
letter, written to a friend in France, who asked for
information on the subject of the Broad Grauge :—
' August 1845.
' I am just off for Italy, but write a few hasty
lines in reply to Mons. 's queries, and which
you must scold him for not addressing direct to me.
Nobody can answer such questions but myself, and
I am compelled to be very brief.
* In answer to the first I send a drawing. Secondly,
I see no reason why the ordinary construction of
rails, chairs and sleepers should not be equally
applicable to the wide gauge as to the narrow. I
have used them occasionally. I should think 75 Ibs.
per yard heavy enough for any purposes. Thirdly,
within all ordinary limits, certainly in curves of more
than 250 metres (i 2 \ chains) radius, the gauge does
not affect the question of curves. The effect of a
curve of larger radius than this appears, both as from
much observation as from theory, to arise merely
from two causes, the one centrifugal force, which is
easily neutralised, and is independent of gauge ; the
other from the axles not being able to travel in the
direction of the radius, and consequently the wheels
not running in a tangent to the curve. This also
is unaffected by the width of gauge. Practically I
believe the conditions are not altered. Fourthly,
the expenses of construction are not dependent on
The Gauge Commissioners Report. 153
the breadth of gauge unless the total width allowed
for the loads or carriages is thereby, or for other
reasons, increased, which is not a necessary con-
sequence of a 7 foot gauge. The wide gauge could
be laid upon the London and Birmingham Railway
without altering any of the works ; but in constructing
the Great Western Railway I thought it desirable to
provide for carrying larger bodies, and I placed the
centres of the two railways 13 feet apart instead of
1 1 feet, and therefore my railway became 4 feet
wider in total width. The increased cost of this,
including the cost of land, will vary from ^300 to
^"500 per mile. Fifthly, the increase of width will
not increase the weight of an engine (of the same
power) 500 Ibs., but I avail myself of the larger
width to get more powerful engines, and they weigh,
with water in the boiler, 18 to 21 tons. I send a
drawing of one; the stroke is 18 inches. Sixthly,
the passenger carriages are all on six wheels, and
excessively strong ; at present the frame-work of
carriages and the whole of the waggons are made of
iron. The first-class carriages weigh, with wheels,
etc., 7 tons 16 cwt. (17,472 Ibs.), and carry thirty-two
passengers. Second-class about the same weight,
and hold seventy-two. Seventhly and eighthly, the
comparison being on different railways, under different
managements, and totally different circumstances, no
strictly correct comparative results can be given ; and,
of course, the most opposite opinions are entertained
and expressed. I believe we travel much quicker
at the same cost, and with more ease, and certainly
the wear and tear of engines and carriages is very
much less with us than with the other lines ; but for
the reasons above stated it cannot be made matter
of exact proof, but remains " matter of opinion." '
The Great Western Railway Board prepared
another document, entitled Additional Observations,
and also sent a letter to the Lords of the Committee
154 A History of the Great Western Railway.
of Privy Council for Trade, suggesting that certain
districts should be marked out for the 7 feet gauge,
and that railways on that gauge should not be con-
structed in any other part.
On 6th June 1846, the Lords Committee
presented their report, which was in favour of the
South Wales Railway being constructed on the
Broad Gauge, as sanctioned by its Act, so that
the through route to and from London to Milford
Haven for the South of Ireland traffic might not suffer
from a break of gauge. The Lords concluded their
report by the following suggestions : — ' i. That no line
shall hereafter be formed on any other than the 4 feet
8J inch gauge, excepting lines to the south of the exist-
ing line from London to Bristol, and excepting small
branches of a few miles in length in immediate con-
nection with the Great Western Railway, but that no
such lines, as above excepted, shall be sanctioned by
Parliament unless a special report shall have been
made by the Committee on the Bill setting forth the
reasons which have led the Committee to advise that
such line should be formed on any other than the 4 feet
8|- inch gauge. 2. That, unless by the consent of the
legislature, it shall not be permitted to the directors
of any railway company to alter the gauge of such
railway. 3. That, in order to complete the general
chain of Narrow Gauge communication from the North
of England to the Southern Coasts, and to the port
of Bristol, any suitable measures should be promoted
to form a Narrow Gauge link from Gloucester to Bristol,
and also from Oxford to Basingstoke, or by any shorter
route connecting the proposed Rugby and Oxford
line with the South-Western Railway. 4. That the
South Wales line and its branches to Monmouth and
Hereford should be permitted to be formed on the
Broad Guage. as sanctioned by their Act. 5. That
the Rugby and Oxford line, and the Oxford, Worcester
and Wolverhampton line, should be permitted to be
formed on the Broad Gauge, as sanctioned by their
The Gauge Commissioners Report. 155
Acts ; that the Lords of the Committee of Privy Council
for Trade shall exercise the powers conferred upon
them by the several Acts, and shall require that addi-
tional Narrow Gauge rails shall forthwith be laid down
from Rugby to Oxford, and from Wolverhampton to
the junction with the Birmingham and Gloucester line ;
and that if it should hereafter appear that there is a
traffic requiring accommodation on the Narrow Gauge
from the Staffordshire districts to the Southern Coast
any suitable measure shall be promoted by Parliament
to form a Narrow Gauge link from Oxford to the line
of the Birmingham and Gloucester Railway.
The result of this report was the ' Guage Regula-
tion Bill,' which was introduced in the House of Lords
and duly passed ; it was then sent down to the
Commons, where it was read a third time on I2th
August 1846, and duly received the royal assent. The
preamble sets forth that ' it is expedient to define the
gauge on which railways shall be constructed.' Clause
1 commences as follows : — ' That after the passing of
this Act, it shall not be lawful (except as hereinafter
excepted) to construct any railway for the conveyance
of passengers on any other gauge than 4 feet 8^ inches
in Great Britain, and 5 feet 3 inches in Ireland.' Clause
2 excepts certain railways, viz., 'those constructed
under Acts in which the gauge is specially defined,
railways then in course of construction in Cornwall,
Devon, Dorset and Somerset, the Uxbridge branch of
the Great Western, the Maidenhead and High Wy-
combe branch, and any railway which is in its whole
length southward of the Great Western Railway.'
Clause 3 authorises ' the South Wales Railway, its ex-
tensions, branches and connections, and also a railway
for making a communication between the city of Bristol
and the South Wales Railway, and a branch therefrom
to be constructed on the 7 foot gauge.' Clause 4 states
' that it shall not be lawful after the passing of this Act
to alter the gauge of any railway used for the convey-
ance of passengers.' Clause 5 excludes the Oxford
156 A History of the Great Western Railway.
and Rugby, and the Oxford, Rugby and Wolver-
hampton Railway from the provisions of this Act.
Clause 6 ' that if any railway used for the conveyance
of passengers shall be constructed and altered contrary
to the provision of this Act, the company authorised to
construct the railway, or in the case of any demise or
lease of such railway, the company for the time being
having the control of the works of such railway shall
forfeit £10 for every mile of such railway which shall
be so unlawfully constructed or altered during every
day that the same shall continue so unlawfully con-
structed or altered ; and in estimating the amount of
any such penalty, any distance less than i mile shall
be estimated as a mile.' Clause 7 declares that rail-
ways constructed contrary to the Act may be abated.
Clause 8 enacts ' that all penalties under this Act, and
the amount of cost and charges of abating any such
railway, and restoring the site thereof, as aforesaid,
may be recovered from the company liable to pay
and make good the same,' etc.
But the Great Western Railway obtained Par-
liamentary sanction to alter the gauge of their line
as long ago as 1866, so that there is no chance of
an 'informer' recovering the penalty of £10 per mile
per day.
CHAPTER XII.
THE PARLIAMENTARY BATTLE CONTINUED.
IN 1846 the Birmingham and Oxford Junction Rail-
way obtained an Act to construct a line from Fenny
Compton (on the Oxford and Rugby line — the Act
for which was obtained in the previous Session) to
Birmingham, 42^ miles in length. By the passing of
this Act, not only did the Broad Gauge obtain - an
entrance into Birmingham, but an alternate route was
provided between that town and London as well.
This line had been proposed a few years previously
by the Grand Junction Railway, when they were at
war with the London and Birmingham ; but at the
time this Act was obtained these two Narrow Gauge
lines were in process of amalgamation, and therefore,
under the peculiar circumstances, no very strenuous
opposition could be offered by either of these com-
panies, although the London and Birmingham opposed
the measure by every indirect way possible. By this
Act, incorporating the Birmingham and Oxford Junc-
tion Railway, the shareholders were empowered to
lease their line to the Great Western Railway if three-
fifths of the shareholders were in favour of doing so.
This clause presented an opportunity to the newly-
formed London and North Western Railway to en-
deavour to obtain possession of this competing line,
and, if successful in so doing, to prevent the competi-
tion and loss of traffic that would take place by the
opening of a rival line. The Directors of the London
and North Western Railway lost no time, but com-
menced to purchase as many of the shares of the
158 A History of the Great Western Raihvay.
Birmingham and Oxford Junction Railway as they
could possibly obtain,
Besides the Birmingham and Oxford Junction
Railway, with a capital of ,£1,000,000, there was
the Birmingham, Wolverhampton and Dudley Rail-
way, 14^ miles long (which also obtained its
Act in 1846), with a capital of ,£700,000, thus mak-
ing the total capital of the undertakings ,£1,700,000.
Both of these the Great Western Railway agreed to
purchase at a premium of 51^- per cent. ; but to prevent
this arrangement being carried out, those shareholders
who held shares on behalf of the London and North
Western Railway presented a petition to that company
asking it to purchase the undertaking, which the
London and North Western Railway agreed to do
at a premium of 75 per cent. This better offer made
some of the genuine shareholders waver, but since
they had already ratified the agreement entered into
by their Directors to sell to the Great Western Rail-
way, there was no pretext for their vacillation, except
the hope of obtaining the better price offered by the
London and North Western Railway for the Birming-
ham and Oxford line.
We now come to one of the most extra-
ordinary proceedings ever enacted in the annals
of railway meetings. There were twelve Directors
of the Birmingham and Oxford Junction Rail-
way, and the London and North Western portion
of the shareholders had a special meeting called to
raise the number of Directors to eighteen. This pro-
position was duly carried out — the six new ones being
in favour of selling to the London and North Western ;
and, at the general meeting, held on I3th March 1847,
four of the old Directors should have resigned, and the
London and North Western party had four more
ready to take their place. By this means a majority
on the Board would have been obtained who were
favourable to rescinding the sale to the Great Western
Railway, and accepting the offer of the London and
The Parliamentary Battle continued. 159
North Western Railway ; but the Broad Gauge
Directors refused to withdraw, and the case was
brought before Parliament, where it was discovered
that the London and North Western Railway held
40,000 of the 50,000 shares constituting the capital of
the company. The House of Lords appointed a
Committee of five to inquire into the whole facts of
the case ; but, after a number of sittings, the House
agreed to defer acting on the report of the Committee
until judgment had been given in the various legal
proceedings then being fought out in the Law
Courts.
In February 1848, the Great Western Railway
obtained a final judgment in their favour, confirming
the original lease to them, and declaring the six extra
Directors elected by the London and North Western
nominees on i3th March 1847 to have been illegally
elected. But, in the meantime, the Narrow Gauge
had gained a great concession by obtaining Parlia-
mentary powers to have the Narrow Gauge as well
as Broad Gauge laid down on the Birmingham and
Oxford Junction Railway. This part of the Gauge
contest is dealt with in the next chapter (Mixed Gauge).
The Great Western Railway, having been successful
in the law suit, immediately proceeded with a Bill
authorising them to purchase the Birmingham and
Oxford Junction Railway at ^30, 53. for each ^20
share. This Bill was duly passed ; when first before
the House, a meeting of the shareholders of the
Birmingham and Oxford Junction Railway was called,
and the shareholders continued to meet almost daily
for several months, until the final result was
known.
Having thus chronicled the fight between the gauges
in the north, we now proceed to narrate the perhaps
more outrageous and underhand conduct of the Narrow
Gauge party in the West of England, in connection
with the Exeter and Crediton Railway, with which,
despite the shameful and dishonourable tactics of the
160 A History of the Great Western Railway.
Narrow Gauge, the Broad Gauge for a time was again
victorious. The Exeter and Crediton Railway Com-
pany was incorporated in 1845 for the construction of
a line from Cowley Bridge (Exeter), on the Bristol
and Exeter Railway, to Crediton, a length of 6 miles.
The line was to be worked by the Bristol and Exeter
Railway for a percentage of the receipts ; but the
London and South Western Railway had their eyes
on the line, and saw it might become useful to them in
after years as part of a through route to North Devon,
so they commenced buying up the shares in the ap-
proved Narrow Gauge style, and, on i/th February
1847, a special meeting was called to 'consider a pro-
position made by the Taw Vale to lease the Exeter
and Crediton in perpetuity on the following terms :—
5 per cent, to be paid by the Taw Vale on amount
of paid-up capital, the profits exceeding 5 per cent,
up to a \ per cent., and when exceeding 5^ per cent.,
the surplus to be divided equally ; the profits to be
estimated after deducting one-third for the working
expenses, and the lease to be guaranteed by the South
Western Company.
This proposition was a great surprise to
those original shareholders who remained in the
Company, and who naturally considered their line
as a protege of the Bristol and Exeter Railway.
No decision could be come to, and the meeting was
adjourned. This meeting was held on i2th April, but
in the interim every exertion was made to get the line
opened, and Mr Buller, with the sanction of the
majority of the Directors, entered into an agreement
with the contractor to supply the plant and work the
traffic on the intended opening. The line was not,
however, opened ; for, when all was ready, the Taw
Vale party obtained an injunction from the Vice-
Chancellor to restrain the Directors from opening the
line, from completing the junction with the Bristol and
Exeter line at Cowley Bridge, or from entering into
any agreement to work or lease it on the Broad
The Parliamentary Battle continued. 161
Gauge to the prejudice of the proposed agreement
with the Taw Vale Company.
We will give an account of the extraordinary
proceedings of this meeting, extracted from the
columns of a newspaper of that time. ' Mr Thorne
(one of the Directors appointed by the Taw Vale
shareholders) moved that the Directors should be
reduced to six, and that the four to be turned out
should be Messrs Duller, Brown (Deputy-Chairman of
the Bristol and Exeter Company), Fripp and Bastard.
Mr Younge seconded the motion. The Chairman
replied very fully to the charges made against him.
He reverted to the change in the proprietary, and
remarked that if it had not been for the tempt-
ing offers of money which had -been made to the
original shareholders to part with their shares, he was
convinced they would have felt it imperrtive to con-
firm the lease to the Bristol and Exeter Company ;
and, unless different principles than those of honour
—which regulated individuals — were to regulate com-
panies, the agreement with that company was as bind-
ing as any agreement ever framed between parties able
to contract. The question of law became the subject
of discussion. Mr Wilkinson (solicitor to the Taw
Vaje) read the opinions of Mr Sergeant Wrangham,
and Mr Rowe and the Attorney - General and the
Hon. Mr Talbot, conjointly, in favour of the share-
holders having power to remove the Directors down
to six, and to elect who should be removed ; and Mr
Pring (the solicitor to the Crediton Company) read the
opinion of Mr Sergeant Kinglake in support of the
Directors' view, that it was illegal to diminish the
number of Directors except at the ordinary half-yearly
meeting, and that the parties to retire were subject for
ballot at the Board.
The Chairman then refused to put a resolution
which he was deliberately advised was illegal.
Mr Thorne (the mover) then said he must take
the liberty of putting it himself. (Confusion.)
1 62 A History of the Great Western Railway.
The Chairman would not allow any other person
to put the resolution until he had left the chair. (Great
disorder.) Mr Thorne put the resolution.
A number of hands were held up amid the utmost
confusion, above which were heard the voices of the
shareholders, " You have no right to call for a show
of hands." "We didn't hold up our hands, because we
wouldn't recognise the thing."
The Chairman said he had never witnessed any-
thing so disorderly, and called on any gentleman to
propose a resolution.
Mr Wilkinson. — " Having taken the vote of the
meeting, you are no longer a Director, and there-
fore I tell you you have no right to hold that chair."
(Uproar.)
The Chairman. — " I shall not leave the chair until
the meeting is over ; I shall dissolve the meeting
first." (Great disorder.)
Mr Wilkinson. — "You not being in the chair, I
beg to move that Mr Thorne take the chair."
Mr E. Cooper (Chairman of the Taw Vale)
seconded it.
Mr Wilkinson put his motion in the same way as
Mr Thorne had, and the same uproar ensued. It
was carried unanimously.
Mr Thorne asked the Chairman if he would give
up his seat.
Mr Buller.— " Certainly not."
Mr Cooper said they would consider Mr Thorne in
the chair.
Mr Buller. — " If any gentleman has any motion to
put, I am ready to hear him. There being no further
business, I dissolve the meeting."
The Chairman left the chair.
Mr Brown sprang forward and caught up the
minute-book which was lying on the table. Mr
Thorne immediately collared and grappled with Mr
Brown, and Mr Bastard clung to the skirts of Mr
Thome's coat. At this time a rush was made by the
The Parliamentary Battle continued. 163
Directors' party, and the book was thrown by Mr
Brown on the floor and passed to the Secretary (Mr
Hartnoll). Surrounded by the whole body of share-
holders and Directors composing' the minority, the
Secretary was escorted from the room, with the book,
amid a scene of unparalleled disorder.
Mr Thorne then took the chair, and a motion for
affixing the Corporate Seal of the Company to the
agreement for a lease to the Taw Vale Company was
unanimously carried ; but here arose another difficulty,
they had not possession of the seal.
Mr Cooper and Mr Woolmer (two Directors) went
to the private office of the Secretary to demand it,
but the door was locked and no one there. Another
resolution to restrain the Directors from carrying on
the works on the Broad Gauge, or opening the line,
or incurring any further expense in completing the
junction with the Bristol and Exeter at Cowley Bridge
was also carried. A resolution, calling on the Secre-
tary to lend his assistance in carrying the foregoing
resolutions into effect was passed.'
The result of this quarrel was that the Narrow
Gauge party obtained an injunction restraining the
opening of the line on the Broad Gauge, although
it was quite ready for working. After being left
unused for a year or so, the Broad Gauge was
taken up and the Narrow Gauge laid down in its
place. The line now consisted of a length of 6
miles of Narrow Gauge, joining a Broad Gauge line
2 miles from Exeter ; therefore, if the line had been
opened, it would have been useless. A proposal
was made to continue the railway by an independent
Narrow Gauge line into Exeter, but as more money
had already been spent on the line than the amount
authorised by the Act, it was found impossible to
raise the funds necessary to complete this extension.
Never had a railway been in a more awkward pre-
dicament, nor has often a clearer example been seen of
a too clever party over-reaching itself; but in this case,
164 A History of the Great Western Railway.
the Narrow Gauge met with an unexpected obstacle
to their further dishonourable proceedings. The Rail-
way Commissioners refused to sanction the opening
of the line on the Narrow Gauge, as the Act was
obtained for a Broad Gauge railway, and the Com-
missioners insisted upon the Exeter and Crediton
Railway complying with this Act and being a Broad
Gauge line. For many years the line remained un-
worked, the sole income being derived from the hay
crop that was regularly gathered from the grass that
grew on the unused railway. But after these years of
inaction, Parliamentary power was obtained to raise
further capital with which the line was re-converted to
the Broad Gauge, and finally opened and worked by
the Bristol and Exeter Railway on the same terms
as contained in the original lease entered into in 1846.
Besides these years absolutely wasted by the disgrace-
ful action of the London and South Western Railway,
which prevented the opening of the line, the capital
of the company was increased by the extra expenses
incurred in consequence of these proceedings of the
Narrow Gauge party from ^70,000, the original
amount, to ^119,999, so that besides the great in-
convenience the public suffered from the shameful
tactics of those who were interested in forcing the
Narrow Gauge into Devonshire, the shareholders in
this luckless company had to divide any profit that
might accrue from the line over a capital of two-thirds
larger than would have been necessary if the railway
had been opened at first as originally intended. All
the extra capital consisted of debenture and preference
shares, so the fight between the gauges on this occa-
sion took away all hope of the original proprietors
obtaining any reasonable return on the ^70,000 they
had invested in the concern. No wonder that with
proceedings such as these fresh in the minds of the
west countrymen, the Narrow Gauge was not looked
upon with favour in Devonshire and Cornwall.
This line ultimately was merged in the London
The Parliamentary Battle continued* 165
and South Western Railway system, and was again
altered to the Narrow Gauge, and forms the first part
of the North Devon Railway beyond Exeter. It is
not generally known that the Great Western Railway
still assert _ their right to work over this line, by
running two goods trains each way daily, between
Exeter and Crediton.
In 1846 Parliament sanctioned the following Broad
Gauge lines, all of which were connected with the
Great Western Railway : —
Ashburton, Newton and South Devon.
Birmingham, Wolverhampton and Dudley.
Birmingham and Oxford Junction (with branches
to Stratford, etc.) extension into Birmingham.
Bristol and South Wales Junction and Ferry
from the Great Western at Bristol to Aust, and
New Passage on the Severn to be continued by
means of a ferry and extension line to the South
Wales Railway.
Bristol and Exeter (Crewkerne branch).
Cornwall — Broad Gauge line from Plymouth to
Falmouth in continuation of the South Devon. Pro-
moted and assisted by the Great Western Railway.
Exeter and Exmouth.
Oxford, Worcester and Wolverhampton (branches
to Witney, Stratford-on-Avon and Droitwich) line with
two gauges. Leased to the Great Western.
Portbury Pier and Railway.
South Wales, No. 2. (Broad Gauge branches to
Haloe, Swansea, Haverford West, etc.). Leased to
the Great Western, and ultimately to be amalgamated.
South Devon, No. 2. (Broad Gauge branches to
Torquay, etc.), atmospheric line. Assisted and worked
by the Great Western Railway.
Tenby, Saundersfoot and South Wales — Broad
Gauge line in connection with South Wales Railway,
and purchase of Saundersfoot Railway and Harbour.
Vale of Neath Railway.
West Cornwall — Broad Gauge line from Falmouth
1 66 A History of the Great Western Railway.
to Penzance, with branch to Truro. Promoted and
assisted by the Great Western Railway.
Wilts, Somerset and Weymouth — Extensions and
branches to Devizes, Bathampton, etc. Leased to
the Great Western Railway.
The Exeter and Exmouth and the West Cornwall
from Truro to Penzance were afterwards constructed
on the Narrow Gauge, and, upon the opening of the
Cornwall Broad Gauge Railway to Truro, the West
Cornwall added a third rail to their line, and so
became a Mixed Gauge.
In 1847, the principal gauge battle was in connec-
tion with a more direct line between London and
Exeter, the fight being between three companies, or
rather the Great Western Railway had to fight the
London and South Western Railway on one side
and the Bristol and Exeter on the other. The Great
Western proposed a new line from Hungerford,
through Westbury and Devizes, then along the Wilts
and Somerset to Yeovil, thence to Exeter by a pro-
posed line parallel with the present London and South
Western Railway from Yeovil to Exeter. The Bristol
and Exeter Railway proposed a Broad Gauge line from
Taunton to Bruton, and thence by the proposed Great
Western line to Hungerford, from which place to Lon-
don the Great Western line would be used. At the
present time the Great Western Railway is construct-
ing two short lengths of line which, when completed,
will form a line between London and Exeter substan-
tially similar to the one proposed by the Bristol and
Exeter Railway in 1847.
The London and South Western Railway's Narrow
Gauge lines were, an extension of the line (then in
course of construction from Basingstoke to Salisbury)
from the latter city through Yeovil to Exeter. Be-
yond Exeter the South Western proposed to construct
Narrow Gauge lines through Okehampton and Tavi-
stock to Plymouth, and from Okehampton, through
Launceston and Camelford, through the middle of
The Parliamentary Battle continued 167
Cornwall, to Truro ; and now we find that after many
years of waiting and many rebuffs the South Western
has, piece by piece, and year by year, added to its
system, so that it has within the last few years com-
pleted its Narrow Gauge line over the whole of this
district to Plymouth, and is fast completing its line
in Cornwall, which, however, does not take quite the
course originally proposed, as, instead of striking
inland at Camelford, the line at present under con-
struction keeps to the North Coast to Newquay,
from which town Parliamentary powers are being
sought to construct a railway to Truro. But
this is a digression, treating of lines that were not
constructed for very many years after the period of
which we are now writing ; we will therefore return to
the Parliamentary battle of the gauges as fought in
1847. The result of the triangular duel in the
Commons was the passing of the South Western
Railway Bills, thus authorising, so far as the Lower
House was concerned, a Narrow Gauge line to
Exeter. This triumph of the London and South
Western Railway was due to the fact that Mr Cock-
burn conducted their case. In previous years Mr
Cockburn had been briefed by the Great Western
Railway, and was, in consequence, fully acquainted
with their arguments, and upon this occasion he used
them against his old clients the Broad Gauge. His
speech lasted for three days, and was remarkable for
the merciless way he treated Brunei, Russell and
Saunders, bringing out and taking advantage of all the
information and suggestions they had given him,
when he was fighting for the Broad Gauge interest in
previous years. He again and again made use of
the expression — ' Out of your own mouth I judge
you.' Altogether during these three days the Broad
Gauge officials had une mauvaise quatre d1 heure of a
very lengthened description. These Bills were then
suspended, with leave to come before the House ~of
Lords in the 1848 Sessions, and they duly received
1 68 A Histoiy of the Great Western Railway.
the Royal assent in that year. The Great Western
Railway unsuccessfully endeavoured to get a clause
inserted for the lines to be Double Gauge ones, so that
it could run Broad Gauge trains on these railways.
Although the London and South Western Railway
had obtained powers for these extensions, nothing was
done towards constructing the lines for several years,
the company's finances being in a very bad state.
The new London and South Western Railway
extensions opened in 1848, consisting of 139 miles
of additional line, only produced an increased
revenue of ,£72,000 in 1849, so that the dividends fell
from 8 per cent, to 3 per cent. We can therefore
well understand the shareholders not being in favour
of constructing any further extensions. At this time
the London and South Western Railway had locked
up in the various lines proposed to be constructed, in
opposition to the Broad Gauge, the following sums :—
Exeter and Exmouth, .£"3871, IDS. ; Exeter, Yeovil
and Dorchester, ,£90,240, is. lod. ; Exeter and
Crediton, ,£2000; Western lines, ^217,162, gs. 3d.;
Cornwall and Devon, ^3000 ; Sutton Harbour,
^9426 ; Bodmin and Wadebridge, ,£33,096, 95. 8d.
The Acts obtained in 1848 having lapsed, the
Salisbury and Yeovil Railway was constructed by an
independent company, which obtained its Act in 1854,
and was opened throughout on i st June 1 86 1 . In 1856,
the London and South Western Railway obtained
new powers to construct a line from Yeovil to Exeter,
which was opened on I9th July 1860, or twelve years
after the threatened invasion. In 1860 the South
Western obtained an Act ' to extend the Exeter line,
and to connect it with the Bristol and Exeter ; also to
make alterations in the St David's Station of that line,
and to lay down and work over Narrow Gauge rails
from Exeter to Cowley Bridge Junction on the Bristol
and Exeter Railway, and thence to lay down Narrow
Gauge lines on the Exeter and Crediton, the North
Devon and Bideford Extension,' all of which lines
The Parliamentary Battle continued. 169
had been constructed on the Broad Gauge, despite the
various tricks of the London and South Western
Railway to get them made as Narrow Gauge
railways. The construction of these Narrow Gauge
lines in Wilts and Dorset caused the Broad Gauge
Companies to proceed with the construction of their
authorised lines, the completing of which had remained
many years in abeyance. The railway to Salisbury
was opened in 1856, and to Weymouth in 1857.
The Broad Gauge gained one notable triumph, by
obtaining powers to construct a line from Oxford to
Cheltenham, the London and North Western Rail-
way's proposition for a somewhat similar line being
defeated. Although from a financial point this line
could never of itself be a success, yet as a strategetic
line it was most useful, as by it the Narrow Gauge was
completely shut out of the district between London,
Gloucester and South Wales. The contests we have
described virtually decided the ' Battle of the Gauges,'
as although in other years the Broad and Narrow lines
came into collision, the struggles were only over minor
branch lines of but local importance. Being thus vic-
torious the Broad Gauge rested from strife for several
years, gradually extending the mileage of its lines in
the West and North West of England, and in South
Wales, but the change came sponte sua, when the
Great Western Railway found the Narrow Gauge ob-
taining the principal share of the mineral and goods
traffic, and to conserve as much as possible of this
traffic to itself the Great Western Railway one evil
day commenced to alter a part of its system from
Broad to Narrow Gauge. The ' powers that be ' for-
got the truism obsta principiis, and the suitability of
the alteration once admitted, the Narrow in place of
the Broad increased year by year, until at last the
Broad Gauge became a thing of the past.
CHAPTER XIII.
THE MIXED GAUGE.
THE Gauge Act in a measure prevented the Great
Western Railway from extending its lines to the
north and north-west of the main line ; but as the
Great Western Railway and the allied companies re-
quired to make further extensions in these directions
on the Broad Gauge, their opponents immediately
brought forward the Gauge Act to bar the further pro-
gress of the Broad Gauge lines. To meet this opposi-
tion the Great Western Railway proposed to put down
lines suitable for both gauges on these new branches.
Two methods were suggested as practical, the
Double Gauge, consisting of four parallel lines for
both the up and the down trains, or eight metals in
all. The outside lines of each group were 7 feet apart,
and on these Broad Gauge vehicles were to run ; the
two inner lines were 4 feet 8|- inches for Narrow
Gauge stock. By this means it was proposed to run
trains composed of both Broad and Narrow Gauge
vehicles ; not only was this project strenuously
opposed by the' Narrow Gauge companies, whose
opposition was outwardly based on the danger, ex-
pense and impracticability of such means of working
railways ; but the real cause of their objection was the
desire to retain the monopoly of these important dis-
tricts themselves ; and the leading Narrow Gauge
engineers were retained by them to give scientific
evidence as to the dangers and inutility of such an
arrangement of lines. It is certainly to be deplored to
find men, high in the engineering profession, giving
170
The Mixed Gauge. 171
such evidence as was adduced on behalf of the Narrow
Gauge.
These engineers, including Robert Stephenson,
seemed to forget that it was their experience and their
opinion as engineers that were required, and that they
were not employed to back up certain parties at all
costs, such methods of fighting being left to counsel.
Yet one and all of the Narrow Gauge engineers were
so unmindful of their status as to declare the impossi-
bility of so laying the metals and working two gauges.
It is humiliating to find these positive assurances of
men, who, above all, should be capable of judging as
to the practicability or non-practicability of a certain
method, completely disproved in actual working, and
what they said was ' impossible ' being daily success-
fully carried out. Such evidence only detracts from the
weight usually given to the statements of those who
are supposed to be qualified to give opinions on cer-
tain subjects, and leads the public to think that the
opinion and evidence of scientific witnesses follow the
fees, and are therefore of little value.
The other proposal of the Broad Gauge was to lay
down three rails, the outside ones for the Broad Gauge,
and one of the outer to be common to both gauges, and
the middle one to be used by the Narrow Gauge trains.
This was called the Mixed Gauge, and was the system
usually adopted. But this proposal was as distasteful
to the Narrow Gauge party as was the Double Gauge,
and the same evidence was brought forward to prove
the utter inutility and the great danger that would
arise from such a mixture. How completely false the
predictions of the Narrow Gauge engineers have
proved we have good means of judging by the fact
that the Mixed Gauge was in daily use on hundreds of
miles of railway on the Great Western Railway for
forty years or more, and yet without accident. So
much for the opinions of Robert Stephenson and his
Narrow Gauge brother engineers.
On ist June 1847, the Commons passed the follow-
172 A History of the Great Western Railway.
ing resolution : — ' On consideration of the report of
the Coventry, Banbury and Oxford Junction Bill to
move that the Bill be re-committed for the purpose of
enabling the Committee to report their reasons for
recommending, in their twelfth resolution, that such
line should be formed on any other than the 4 feet 8^
inch gauge.' The House of Lords, on 25th June 1847,
ordered the Railway Commissioners of the Board of
Trade to examine the question for laying a Mixed
Gauge on the Birmingham and Oxford Junction Rail-
way.
This report was in favour of the Mixed Gauge,
which was accordingly laid down to Birmingham. On
7th July 1847, Mr Robert Stephenson made a long
report to Mr Creed, the Secretary of the London and
North Western Railway, in which he strongly in-
veighed against the Double Gauge. His conclusions
were as follow: — First. Permanent way. --That the
four-rail system increases the complication so much
as to be inadmissible, except where absolutely neces-
sary, as at turn -plates, etc. That notwithstanding
the exercise of the utmost care in construction and
maintenance of way, the mixture of gauges, either by
means of three or four rails, introduces in the road
itself a greatly increased risk of accident, entirely in-
capable of remedy, and scarcely justifiable by any
considerations of mere convenience. Second. Station
arrangements. — ' That collisions on a three-rail Mixed
Gauge line between trains of different gauges would
necessarily be even more disastrous in their conse-
quences than under the present system ; the blows
would be oblique, and would therefore tend to twist
and double up the train, and so to bring the carriages
into a position in which they would be least able to
resist the crushing force. The four-rail system for
sidings has already been shown to involve a greatly
increased number of dangerous points of intersections.
It would also be inconvenient at the platforms. The
only alternative, then, is to lay separate sidings for the
The Mixed Gauge. 173
two gauges, or, in other words, completely to duplicate
station arrangements.' Third. Traffic arrangements. —
Mr Robert Stephenson reported that if the traffic was
conducted in a fair way double the number of trains
would have to be run, viz., the usual complement of
each gauge — * By the Mixed Gauge system, the evils
hitherto confined to one district will be repeated in
new and distant parts of the country. The break of
gauge, in short, cannot be remedied by the mixture of
gauges until such mixture becomes co-extensive with
railways themselves, and thus, after enormous expense,
we should arrive at last at uniformity, but without the
simplicity of construction and arrangement which can
alone insure the economy, safety and efficiency of the
railway system.' When we read that Mr Stephenson,
before the Commissioners, in answer to a question,
gravely and emphatically said that ' the rejection of
the Mixed, is, I think, beyond all question. I do
not know a single practical man in this country who
has not felt that as strongly as myself.' Certainly
illogical enough to make one smile ! but his reply to
the (next) question, ' You think the Narrow better,
yet you are of opinion that whatever may be the
decision with respect to the Narrow or Broad, that the
effect of experiment will be the absolute rejection of all
the Mixed?' 'Certainly!' makes us laugh outright,
so completely has his prediction on this score been
falsified. So much for the expert evidence of this
celebrated Narrow Gauge engineer. Mr Locke cor-
roborated this evidence. He stated, in most distinct
terms, ' that having turned his attention to the ques-
tion of mixing the gauge of railways, he was not dis-
posed to recommend or sanction it anywhere ; that he
thought it would be liable to cause great interruption
of traffic ; would be attended with vast expense, far
greater than was at all contemplated ; that it would be
absolutely necessary to have separate stations ; that
danger would be produced by the multiplication of
points and crossings, and by the consequent diminu-
174 ^ History of the Great Western Railway.
tion of the solidity of the road. Points and
crossings are not good things at high speeds, and so
long as the speed on a railway is very small the incon-
venience of a point or crossing is not very great, but
when you have a station with a number of points and
crossings, and express trains passing through at 50 or
60 miles an hour, then it becomes rather serious.'
Mr Locke also addressed a long letter on the evils
of the Mixed Gauge to Lord John Russell, who was
then Premier. In this epistle he tried to prove that
the remedy of a Mixed Gauge was a far greater evil
than the break of gauge itself, and ended up by sub-
mitting to his Lordship, ' that it is clearly the duty of
the Government to see that the evils of the com-
plexities of gauge are not inflicted upon the railway
system, and to put an effectual stop to the accumu-
lating evils which private legislation is every day
causing in further extending the untried system of
Mixed Gauge.'
Soon after the publication of Mr Locke's falla-
cious letter, a caustic article appeared in the Morning
Herald, which completely proved the utter want of
soundness in the theories and views expounded by
Mr Locke ; and the subsequent general extension of
the Mixed Gauge has completely verified the opinion
expressed by the Morning Herald.
In connection with the evidence given before the
Commissioners with regard to the Mixed Gauge on
the Birmingham and Oxford line, Mr Gooch made
his world-famous experiments as to the resistance of
trains at various speeds. Mr Gooch thus writes of
those experiments : — ' I felt a complete series of ex-
periments was required, and having the authority of
the Board to spend what was necessary, I designed
and constructed an indicator to measure and accurately
record the speed at which the train was moving, and
also on the same paper to record the traction power
used by the engine measured by a spring ; also on the
same paper the force and direction of the wind. To
The Mixed Gauge. 175
check the traction I also at the same time took indi-
cator cards from the cylinder of the engine so as accur-
ately to measure the power exerted there. It also
gave me the power expended in moving the engines.
I made a great number of experiments over a level
piece of line on the Bristol and Exeter line at
various rates of speed and loads. They gave me
results very different from those obtained by the
Narrow Gauge, which, however, were done more by
calculation than by actual experiment. They cost
me a vast amount of labour, both in calculations and
in making the experiments. It was rather a difficult
task to sit on the buffer beam of the engine and take
indicator cards at speeds of 60 miles an hour.'
These experiments were considered at the meeting
of the Institution of Civil Engineers on i8th April
and 2d May 1848, and led to considerable discus-
sion, as the results arrived at were very dissimilar
to those obtained on the Narrow Gauge a year or
so previously, the trains performing which had not
been propelled but had descended various banks by
gravity. Mr Gooch for his experiments constructed
a dynamometer carriage at Swindon in which all the
results required were registered upon a large scale on
the same roll of paper, thus exhibiting at one view, and
in the same period of time, the tractive power exerted
upon the train, and the force and direction of the wind ;
the registration of the results was made upon the
paper at every sixteenth part of a mile, and the time
was registered in correspondence with the distance
traversed during every fifth part of a second. The
dynamometer spring used was 7 feet 6 inches long,
and very carefully arranged. It was only necessary
to count the number of seconds or fractions of a
second in one or more of the distance divisions and
the speed was accurately ascertained. The force
and direction of the wind was ascertained by a wind
gauge, placed 5 feet above the top of the carriage,
with the connections brought down to pencils, which
176 A History of the Great Western Railway.
indicated on the same sheet all the results. Indicator
cards were also taken simultaneously from the steam
cylinders as frequently as was practicable, but not
continuously, as it was a service of some danger, the
experimenter being obliged to sit on the buffer beam
of the engine at a velocity of 60 miles an hour, and
in that windy position to take off four sets of cards
in three-quarters of a minute. The spot selected for
performing the experiments was one mile of railway,
perfectly straight and level, and nearly on the sur-
face of the ground ; in the plan the height of the
trees, hedges, and every intervening object which
could affect the influence of the wind is clearly
marked. The experimental train consisted of first
and second-class carriages, each on six wheels, 4 feet
diameter, taken indiscriminately from the working
stock and loaded with iron to represent a fair load
of passengers, giving a gross weight to each of 10
tons. The experiments were tried with various
weights and speeds up to 100 tons and to 62 miles
per hour, and the results were classified and arranged
in a tabular form with copious explanatory headings
so as to render reference to them exceedingly easy.
After the discussion at the Institution the Broad
Gauge made some more experiments, letting the
trains travel by gravity down the Wooton Bassett
and White Ball Tunnel inclines with varying loads,
the engines hauling the trains to the summits and
then shutting off steam. The following engines
were employed, ' Milo,' ' Firebrand,' ' Saturn,' ' Load
Star,' 'Bellona,' 'Ariel,' 'Orion,' and 'Mars.' A.
writer who chronicles these experiments thus con-
cludes : — ' We perfectly well recollect that Mr Brunei
was laughed at when he stated, some years ago, that
he could get 60 miles per hour out of a locomotive.
We now get 75 miles per hour with heavy trains.
His opinion that he could obtain a uniform velocity
of from 50 to 55 miles per hour by gravity down
i in 100 was treated with scarce less courtesy. These
The Mixed Gaiige. \ 7 7
practically demonstrated and demonstrative affirmatives
of things declared to be " impossible " should teach
some of our extremely clever paper calculators and
ingenious theorisers the insecurity — for their own
fame — of laying down "general" rules upon incom-
plete or one-sided data. They are too positive and
too clever — genius is modest, and usually doubts in
these matters.'
The Narrow Gauge engineers had made such an
outcry as to the unsafeness of the Mixed Gauge,
especially at the junctions, that to allay the fear
that might naturally arise in the minds of timid
travellers, a very ingenious means to obviate the
use of points was employed on the Cheltenham and
Gloucester line, which was the first line opened on
the Mixed Gauge. This mixed line had been laid
down some time, but was not used as a Broad Gauge
O
line till 23d October 1847. The first through
train covered the 121 miles, Paddington to Chelten-
ham, in 2 hours 45 minutes, including several stop-
pages. A Narrow Gauge engineer thus describes
a journey on this the first Mixed Gauge line, and the
method of working same : — ' From Gloucester, south-
ward to Standish, a distance of about 7 miles, there
is a Broad Gauge railway used in common by the
Great Western Railway Company for the traffic
between Gloucester and Cheltenham, via Swindon
to London, and by the Bristol and Birmingham
section of the Midland Company's lines for their
traffic from Gloucester to Bristol, the Bristol and
Swindon lines (both on the Broad Gauge) diverging
at Standish.
From Gloucester northwards the Narrow Gauge of
the Midland Company proceeds to Birmingham, and
between Gloucester and Cheltenham, in addition to
the Narrow Gauge rails, the Great Western have laid
a third rail on each track, to allow of Broad Gauge
trains running to Cheltenham, where they have a
separate station from the Midland Company. Be-
M
178 A History of the Great Western Railway.
tween Gloucester and Cheltenham there is thus the
first example of a Mixed Gauge railway. On arriving
at about three-quarters of a mile from the Gloucester
Station, by an express train from London, I found
that our train was turned by a switch (meeting the
train) across the up line of the Bristol and Gloucester
Railway. When we had gone about 200 yards
further we crossed a turn-table on the main line, and
pulled up. As we crossed this turn-table I perceived
with some dismay an engine and two carriages ap-
proaching us at a distance of about 50 yards upon a
line of railway which crossed the turn-table, which we
had just crossed over, at right angles to the line on
which we were running. This engine and train hav-
ing stopped (fortunately in time, or of course it would
have cut our train in two), several passengers got out
of their carriages and made for our train, one or two
with luggage in their hands. Two carnages of our
train were then detached by means of the turn-table,
and were taken back by the engine on the ' spur ' line,
as it may be termed, to Gloucester, while we proceeded
to Cheltenham. All passengers from Gloucester to
Cheltenham, a distance of 7 miles, by any of the
through Broad Gauge trains have thus to change
on an exposed platform a mile from Gloucester.
' This mode of working the Gloucester traffic as a
branch traffic, with a separate engine and train for the
branch, such branch being less than a mile long, and
cutting the main line at right angles, is the result of
the lines of two different gauges. Having parted
with our Gloucester carnages, and picked up the
Gloucester branch traffic as described, we proceeded
to the point where the Broad and Narrow Gauges
become mingled, which is at a place called Barnwood.
In order to get on to the down track of the Bristol
and Birmingham Narrow Gauge line, we here crossed
the up line of that railway again. We were now on
the Mixed Gauge. On getting on to it, we got a sharp
shake, and the road itself between this and the point
The Mixed Gauge. 179
where the Broad Gauge rails turn off to the Chelten-
ham Station was somewhat rough, but not particularly
so. The road is adapted to the Broad Gauge by the
laying of an additional rail on each track fastened to
the sleepers, which are new and longer than the
ordinary sleepers fora Narrow Gauge track. These
additional rails are put on the outside of the Narrow
Gauge outside rails, so that the common rail is the
inside rail of each line, and not the outside rail as
suggested by Mr Brunei in his report on the Oxford
and Rugby line. On approaching Cheltenham we
were "slowed" and turned off to the Broad Gauge
Cheltenham station, which is distinct from the Narrow
Gauge station, crossing here again, and for the third
time in a distance of 7 miles, the up line of the
Bristol and Birmingham Railway.
' The turn off is effected not by means of a switch
in the usual form, but by cutting a notch in the
common rail, and so making a fixed point (meeting all
the trains of both gauges), and then by raising the
level of the Broad Gauge outer rail 5 inches above
the level of such fixed point, while the level of the
Narrow Gauge outer rail is kept 3 inches below such
fixed point. The Broad Gauge carriages are thus
canted over so as to run on one side of the fixed
point, while the Narrow Gauge carriages are canted
over in the opposite direction so as to take the. other
side of the fixed point.'
This it will be seen is merely substituting a ' fixed
point meeting the trains for a half switch.' He ends
up by stating, ' The necessary result of these fearful
complexities is, that the speed has to be reduced to a
walking pace three times in a distance of 7 miles, and
that the last mile into Gloucester has to be performed
at little above a walking pace. A complexity of signals
is also requisite, altogether exceeding belief, which
complexity is increased by two systems of signalling
obtaining on the two gauges. Strange as it may seem,
I actually stood in one spot near Gloucester and
180 A History of the Great Western Railway.
counted ten different signal posts of several forms.
The general conclusion to which I came, from my
visit, was that the mixture of gauges resulted in a form
of railway so unsafe, so intricate and broken up, and so
extravagant in point of expense, as to render it al-
together inadmissible as a practical arrangement, and
ruinous to that simplicity on which the utility and safety
of railways depend.' His conclusions thus show that
he had the usual Narrow Gauge prejudices against the
Mixed Gauge. But despite these impractical croakers
the Mixed Gauge continued to increase, and after the
Oxford and Birmingham and Wolverhampton Mixed
Gauge line was opened, the third rail was gradually
laid down over the Great Western line from Oxford
to London.
It was on ist October 1852 that the first Broad
Gauge train was run from Paddington to Birmingham ;
and looking back by the light of subsequent events, the
fact that this train, which was drawn by the famous
' Lord of the Isles,' came into collision at Aynho with a
preceding slow train from Oxford, this accident might
almost be taken as an omen of the ill fate awaiting
this section of the Broad Gauge system, for it was on ist
October 1 86 1, exactly nine years later, that Paddington
Station first suffered the ignominy of a Narrow Gauge
train being despatched from that stronghold of the wide
gauge ; but the enemy once having obtained an entrance
there, held on tenaciously, and certainly came to stay.
Before thirty-one years had expired all traces of Brunei's
grand gauge had disappeared from the Great Western
Railway headquarters. On that eventful morning how
well we can picture the sad look on the faces of the
station officials as they made preparations to send away
the first Narrow Gauge passenger train. How humili-
ated Nicolas Graiff must have felt as he opened the regu-
lator of the cramped locomotive he had been deputed
to drive, while the late start must have filled his mind
with grief, and caused him to think ' that with the
Narrow Gauge they could not even get the trains away
The Mixed Gauge.
181
to time,' nor could the station staff help admitting
that the inauguration of the Narrow Gauge service
had not been a success, and if any were given to pre-
judging events by the result of the first attempt, their
conclusions as to the Narrow Gauge must have been
of a dismal kind. The following official timing of the
train is of interest: —
The first Narrow Gauge train which left Paddington
on ist October 1861.
BOOKED TIME.
STATIONS.
Arr.
Dep.
A.M.
A.M.
Paddington,
9-35
Reading,
IO.27
10.30
Oxford,
II. IO
11.15
Leamington,
12. 2O
12.23
Birmingham,
12-55
REMARKS.
Collect^ tickets.
Time allowed, 3 hrs. 20 min.
ACTUAL TIME.
Paddington, 9.37 2 min. late, 13 on.
Reading, . 10.29 IO-34 2 v
Oxford, . 11.15 11.20 5 ,, 4 off.
Leamington, 12.17 12.29 3 » i off hot box.
Birmingham, 12.58 3 „ 8 on.
Engine No. 75. — Paddington to Oxford.
Engineman. — Nicolas Graiff.
Engine No. 76. — Oxford to Birmingham.
Engineman. — Ralph Eliott.
fine, but hazy on approaching Bir-
Weather
mingham.
SUMMARY
OF TIME AND TRAINS.
From
To
Running Time.
Stops.
Miles.
Min.
Min.
Paddington
Reading
52
3
36
Reading
Oxford
40
5
27i
Oxford
Leamington
65
3
42*
Leamington
Birmingham
32
23i
189
ii stops
Total,
200 mins. = 3 hrs. 20 min.
1 82 A History of the Great Western Railway.
The Mixed Gauge was early in the conflict laid
down from Oxford to Basingstoke, so as to form a
Narrow Gauge connection between the London and
South Western Railway and the North. The laying
of the third rail for this 42 miles cost the Great
Western Railway over ,£ 138,000, which was solely
for the accommodation of other railways. In 1857,
.£13,341 was expended at Reading to provide for
through accommodation of Narrow Gauge traffic
from the north to the South Eastern Railway. From
this time the Mixed Gauge was gradually laid down
over various parts of the Great Western system.
Exeter being the place farthest west reached by the
continuous Mixed Gauge, which was in 1874, it being
here where for many years goods traffic from Narrow
Gauge stations to places on the South Devon and
Cornwall lines was transhipped, until the final conver-
sion in May 1892 rendered it unnecessary. At one
time there was 272 miles of Mixed Gauge railways in
operation.
CHAPTER XIV.
BROAD GAUGE LOCOMOTIVES.
THE various Narrow Gauge companies having con-
structed new engines much larger in size, and extremely
powerful in every way, the Great Western Railway
took measures to improve their locomotives early in
1846, and Mr Gooch was instructed to build a colossal
engine without delay, and to have it in work before
the Parliamentary Session commenced. The result
was, by working day and night for thirteen weeks,
the ' Great Western ' was produced, and was first tried
in April 1846. As originally constructed she was a
six-wheel engine, but it was soon found that there was
too much weight on the leading wheels, so Mr Gooch
added another pair of small wheels before the ' drivers,'
and so was inaugurated that world famous type of
Broad Gauge express engines. Every writer on loco-
motives— including the most red hot partisan of the
cramped 4 feet 8£ inch gauge — has nothing but un-
qualified praise for these splendid examples of en-
gineering skill, which have done more than anything
else to place England at the head of locomotive con-
structors, and which position has been held for so
many years by this country, but which, alas ! with
the extinction of the Broad Gauge, appears to be
passing away from us. One writer, in describing
these unequalled engines, only a few years ago, says,
— ' No engines in the world have so long and as
famous a history as these old engines of Sir Daniel
183
184 A History of the Great Western Railway.
Gooch. They look to-day, with their great 8 feet
driving wheels, and their old-world brass dome and
brass wheels covers, just as they must have looked
forty years ago, when our fathers gaped open mouthed
at the tale of their achievements, and indeed their
achievements were, in sober earnest, remarkable
enough.'
Mr Bowen Cooke in British Locomotives thus
speaks of these engines, ' And magnificent engines they
were ; but unfortunately there is no longer any track
on which they can display their powers. There must
be but few railway men who can help regretting that
such a step has had to be taken.'
Even Mr C. Stretton, who has most extreme views
on the gauge question, and appears to consider that the
Narrow Gauge is without question the best possible
one in every respect that could have been chosen,
acknowledges that 'This splendid locomotive ("The
Great Western ") was highly successful, and was found
capable of evaporating 300 cubic feet of water per hour,
and it is a noteworthy fact that engines of this class
appear to be among the most economical ever run, the
consumption of coal being as low as 2^ Ibs. per horse
power per hour.'
The fame of the ' Great Western ' engine was soon
being talked about everywhere ; but at first the Narrow
Gauge engineers would not believe the remarkable
tales told of its power, nor the more wonderful records
of the speed attained by it which appeared in the news-
papers ; but personal observation soon proved the en-
tire truth of these statements to the most sceptical
opponents of the Broad Gauge. One of its first remark-
able trips was from Paddington to Swindon and back
with a train of fourteen carriages, weighing 140 tons, the
entire journey performed at an average travelling speed
of 57 miles an hour. On another occasion she took
the 9.45 A.M. express from Paddington to Exeter, i93f
miles, in 3 hours 28 minutes (travelling time), or at the
rate of 53 miles an hour for the whole journey. On
Broad Gauge Locomotives. 185
Saturday, I3th June 1846, a sensational trip was made,
which Mr Russell justly called a ' great fact,' and there
is no doubt better results would have been attained had
not one of the pumps supplying the boiler broken down
at Slough (this was before the days of injectors.) This
accident necessitated reducing the speed, as the re-
maining pump could not supply water to the boiler as
quickly as it could have been evaporated had the
engine been driven at full speed. ' The train (the
"Great Western") weighed TOO tons, and consisted of
ten first-class carriages, seven of which were ballasted
with iron, the other three being occupied by the
Directors and those interested in the experiment. The
train started from Paddington at 1 1 hours 47 minutes
52 seconds ; at Didcot a stop of 5i -minutes was made ;
Swindon was reached in 78 minutes. After staying
there 4 minutes 27 seconds the journey was continued'
to Bristol, the whole distance of n8|- miles being
covered in 2 hours 12 minutes, or at the rate of 54 miles
an hour, or, excluding the 9f minutes spent in the two
stoppages, at about 59 miles an hour for the complete
journey, including the slowing down and getting up
speed again on three occasions. The maximum speed
was obtained between the eighty-third and ninety-
second mile posts (from the eightieth to the eighty-
fifth mile there is a falling gradient of 8 feet per mile, and
from the eighty-fifth and a half to about the eighty-sixth
and a half mile there is a falling gradient of about i in
100, and a fall of 8 feet per mile then reaches to about
the ninetieth and a half mile post ; a rising gradient of
8 feet per mile then succeeds and extends beyond the.
ninety-second mile post) performing the 10 miles in 9
minutes and 8 seconds, or at an average speed of nearly
66 miles an hour. The eighty-seventh and eighty-
eighth miles, on a falling gradient of 8 feet per mile,
were run over at a rate of 69 miles per hour.'
After a luncheon the party returned again to London
by the special train, Mr Brunei driving the engine on
both occasions. A speed of 78 miles an hour has been
1 86 A History of the Great Western Railway.
attained by this engine on riiany trips. The splendid
engines of this class continued to work the famous
Broad Gauge express trains until that gauge was no
more.
One of the most famous of these locomotives was
the, ' Lord of the Isles,' which was exhibited at the first
International Exhibition in Hyde Park in 1851, at
Edinburgh in 1890, and again at the Chicago Exhibi-
tion in 1893. This engine was the usual one given
as a type of locomotives described in works on the
steam engine for many years. The following are
the principal dimensions of the ' Great Western ' as
first built: — 'Cylinders, 18 inches diameter and 2 feet
stroke ; driving wheels, 8 feet diameter ; supporting
wheels, 4 feet 6 inches diameter ; 278 tubes, 9 feet long
2 inches diameter ; fire box, outside, 5 feet 6 inches by
6 feet — inside, 4 feet 10 inches by 5 feet 4 inches, with
partition through the middle, giving 160 feet of heat-
ing surface and 20 feet of fire grate area ; total heating
surface, 1751 square feet ; height from level of rail to top
of boiler, 9 feet 6 inches, and from level of rail to top of
chimney, 14 feet 8 inches; length of engine, 24 feet;
weight of engine, 30 tons ; tender, 1 5 tons. Later the
tubes were increased to 300, making the total heating
surface 1/67 square feet, and, as already explained,
an extra pair of supporting wheels were added be-
tween the driving and leading wheels. The average
coal consumption of these engines was extremely low,
only about 27 Ibs. per mile.
The following is a list of the thirty engines of the
' Great Western ' class, giving also the distance run by
each before being rebuilt :—
Broad Gauge Locomotives. 187
BROAD GAUGE ENGINES — GREAT WESTERN CLASS.*
Name of Engine.
Builder.
Built.
Rebuilt or
Condemned.
Total
Mileage
before
Renewal.
Great Western,
G.W.R.
April 1846
Dec. 1870
370,687
Iron Duke, .
April 1847
Oct. 1871
607,412
Lightning, .
April 1847
April 1878
816,601
Great Britain,
July 1847
Oct. 1880
403,644
Emperor,
Sept. 1847
June 1873
690,225
Pasha, .
Nov. 1847
June 1876
613,038
Sultan, .
Nov. 1847
Aug. 1876
727,300
Courier,'
June 1848
Nov. 1877
746,120
Tartar, .
July 1848
Aug. 1876
731,817
Dragon,
Aug. 1 848
Dec. 1872
670,757
Warlock,
Aug. 1 848
June 1874
639,410
Wizard,
Sept. 184*.
Nov. 1875
711,908
Rougemont, .
Oct. 1848
Aug. 1879
772,401
Hirondelle, .
Dec. 1848
May 1873
605,010
Tornado,
Mar. 1 849
Mar. 1 88 1
688,000
Swallow,
June 1849
Aug. 1871
569,232
Timour,
Aug. 1849
Nov. 1871
569,893
Prometheus, .
Mar. 1850
June 1870
538,025
Perseus,
June 1850
Dec. 1880
722,458
Estafette,
Sept. 1850
June 1870
504,544
Rover, .
Sept. 1850
June 1871
46i,344
Amazon,
Mar. 1851
July 1877
729,840
Lord of the Isles
(Built 1850, com-
menced work
1852),
5)
July 1852
July 1881
789,300
Alma, .
Rothwell
Nov. 1854
June 1872
444,600
Balaclava,
,
Dec. 1854
Nov. 1871
406,425
Inkerman,
>
Mar. 1855
Oct. 1877
650,220
Kertch, . ' .
5
April 1855
Dec. 1872
326,246
Crimea,
J
May 1855
Sept. 1878
605,701
Eupatoria,
May 1855
Oct. 1878
618,275
Sevastopol, .
5
July 1855
Oct. 1880
707,148
When the Great Western Railway first started it
had, with other improvements, introduced brake vans
The Locomotive Engine and Us Development.
1 88 A History of the Great Western Railway.
for the guards to travel by, instead of these officials
being perched at the top of the carriages, to get half
frozen by the cold of winter, wet through in the rainy
weather, or baked by summer heat, and at all times to
run the risk of being blinded by the sparks and pieces
of coke emitted by the engine. But in October 1847,
in consequence of the great speed of the Broad Gauge
express trains, the Directors considered an additional
precaution necessary for the protection of the pas-
sengers, so an iron box was provided at the end of the
tender for a ' travelling carnage porter,' whose duty
was to see that the train was attached to the engine,
and to report to the driver any signal made by the
guards or passengers in the train. The following
circular, which was issued by the superintendent of
the Great Western Railway, sets forth in full the
duties of this new train attendant.
' On and after the 4th day of October 1847, a man,
to be called the "travelling carriage porter," will
accompany every express train in each direction. The
business of this man will be to ride on the seat placed
for him on the tenders, and to keep a steady and vigil-
ant look out on both sides and along the top of the
trains, so that in case of any accident to any of the
carriages of the train, or of any signal from the guard,
or any apparently sufficient cause that may come to
his observation, he may at once communicate with the
engine man, and, if necessary, stop the train. Further,
it will be his business, generally, to have charge of the
carriages forming the train, to see that in every respect
they are in good condition and properly coupled up,
the axles greased and the lamps (at night) burning
properly, and he will alight immediately the train
stops, and go to the axle boxes of the carriages and
grease and examine them, and see that they are all in
proper order for travelling. And in case at any one
station he may have noticed any one or more boxes
getting hot, he must turn his first attention to these.
Broad Gauge Locomotives. 189
He will in a like manner examine the couplings and
the lamps, and call the attention of the lamp-man at
the station to any deficiencies. He will report to the
principal guard every circumstance connected with the
train which may require notice. He will be required
to observe carefully the running of the different
carriages, and to take note of the number of any one
that may appear to run unsteady, or have any other
defect, and to enter a note of this and of any other
circumstance, such as hot axles, etc., requiring to be
remedied, in a report book to be made up for each
journey. The travelling carriage porter will be fur-
nished with a pilot coat, etc., in addition to his present
suit, with grease box, grease knife, picker, lamps, etc.
Their pay will be 255. per week, and the men will be
selected from the body of porters,' and the appoint-
ment will be considered a reward for good and steady
conduct, general intelligence and acquaintance with
the management of the carriages.
' SEYMOUR CLARKE, Superintendent.
'PADDINGTON, 26th September 1847.'
So bigoted were the Narrow Gauge enthusiasts
that they claimed this new departure of the Great
Western Railway as a further proof of the superiority
of the Narrow Gauge, having the audacity to state that
the Broad Gauge had to go back to the original
Narrow Gauge method of having a man outside the
train to see that all was right, and yet they would not
own that the person in the sentry box, ' or iron coffin '
as they called it, on the tender, was better protected
than the guard perched on the top of the carriage on
the Narrow Gauge trains. Here are the views of one of
the enlightened Narrow Gauge officials as expressed by
him at the time the Great Western introduced these
travelling porters : — ' The placing a guard outside the
train has always been the practice on the Narrow
Gauge railways, and the not doing so, but, on the
190 A History of the Great Western Railway.
contrary, placing both the guards inside the carriages,
where they might duly go to sleep among their parcels,
was one of the peculiarities of the Broad Gauge
on which they particularly piqued themselves. It
now seems that the Broad Gauge authorities have
relinquished their peculiar arrangement and adopted
the much more sensible practice of the Narrow Gauge
companies. They are quite right in doing this,
although one does not exactly see that the discontinu-
ance of an absurd practice requires to be puffed in the
Times. The position of the guard on the tender (as the
Great Western authorities propose to place him) instead
of on the last carriage (as he is generally placed on
Narrow Gauge trains) appears to me to be no improve-
ment, for, in the first place, the fireman, who is already on
the tender, if he obeyed his printed instructions, should
keep an eye on the train. The arrangement, therefore,
now at length, in deference to common sense, adopted
on the Great Western is still, as it seems, a very imper-
fect application of the practice which has always been
pursued on the Narrow Gauge system of railways.'
Later on, when an efficient system of communication
between the guards and the men on the engine had been
established, the ' travelling porters ' were withdrawn.
Besides the engines of the ' Great Western ' class,
the Great Western Railway had built other powerful
engines at Swindon, twenty-four being turned out be-
ween April 1846 and September 1847. Among these
were the ' Queen,' a six-wheel passenger locomotive
with single driving wheels, 7 feet diameter ; cylinder,
1 6 inches diameter; 24 inch stroke; boiler and fire-
box, 14 feet long; weight of engine, 25 tons; tender,
9 tons. The ' Premier/ a goods engine with six
coupled wheels of 5 feet diameter, the other dimen-
sions being similar to those of the ' Great Western ' ;
when tried, this engine drew a train weighing 483 tons
at about 30 miles an hour. Another passenger
engine, designed by Mr Brunei and built by Mr Gooch,
was the ' Elk,' a six-wheel engine with 7 feet single
Broad Gauge Locomotives. 191
drivers; cylinder, 16 inches ; stroke, 18 inches ; boiler
and fire-box, 14 feet long ; weight of engine. 25 tons ;
tender (empty), 9 tons. This engine drew trains of
six carriages from Swindon to Paddington, 77^ miles,
in 80 minutes.
We think we have now given a sufficient account
of the Broad Gauge engines of this period ; but while
on the subject it will be as well to mention the
equally famous Broad Gauge engines constructed by
the Bristol and Exeter Railway in 1853.
It will be remembered that the Great Western
Railway worked the Bristol and Exeter under a lease
at a rental of .£71,957 a year, and a toll of a ^d. a
BRISTOL AND EXETER TANK ENGINE.
9 ft. driving wheels, leading and trailing bogies ; wheels, 4 ft. diameter.
mile on every passenger carried, and also the same
amount per mile for every ton of goods conveyed
over the line. This lease expired on 3Oth April 1849,
so that from that date the Bristol and Exeter Com-
pany had their own locomotives and rolling stock.
These at first were built by private firms, but afterwards
the company had works of its own at Bridgewater.
Mr Pearson was the engineer of the Bristol and
Exeter Railway, and his patriotism for the Broad
Gauge brought forth the renowned 9 feet single tank
engines, which were built from his design by Roth well
and Company, Union Foundry, Bolton. These engines
192 A History of the Great Western Railway.
soon gained fame among railway engineers for their
low coke consumption (only 21% Ibs. per mile), and
were still more famous to the public at large by the
high speed they attained ; in fact, one of these engines
was credited with the highest authenticated speed until
very recently, and now it is only the Americans who
claim to have exceeded it ; and since the Yankee
claim to ' lick creation ' in so many things we cannot
be surprised that they have at last taken credit to
themselves for the fastest locomotive run on record.
Returning to the speed attained by Mr Pearson's
Broad Gauge tank engine, we find that 81 miles
an hour was the highest rate of travelling officially
credited for one of these splendid locomotives. This
was forty-one years ago, and it has taken our go-
a-head cousins across the ' herring pond.' nearly this
number of years before they claim to have beaten
this speed record of the old time Bristol and Exeter
Tank. These engines had ten wheels, and the prin-
cipal dimensions were — a leading and trailing bogie,
each with four wheels of 4 feet diameter, and a pair of
9 feet driving wheels without flanges ; the boiler was
4 feet i inch diameter, 10 feet 9 inches long, and con-
tained 1 80 tubes of i |f. inch diameter; the cylinders
were i6| inches diameter by 24 inch stroke; weight
of engine, 42 tons. When the Bristol and Exeter
and Great Western Railways were amalgamated in
1876, these 9 feet tanks were rebuilt, the diameter of
the driving wheels was reduced to 8 feet, the trail-
ing bogie was removed, and a pair of wheels sub-
stituted, and lastly a tender was added — a complete
metamorphosis of a locomotive from a tank to a
tender engine — a practice not usually followed, but
which the Great Western Railway again did a few
years back, when the ' Cornishman ' was inaugurated,
which train, not stopping between Exeter and Ply-
mouth, and the line beyond Newton being very
severe for passenger tender engines, three of the tank
engines used on this section had tenders added to
N
Broad Gauge Locomotives. 195
enable sufficient water to be carried, so that the
whole 53 miles could be run without a stop.
These engines were built at Swindon in 1885, and
had a pair of leading wheels 3 feet 6 inches in diameter,
4 coupled wheels 5 feet diameter, cylinders 18 inches
by 26 inches, their wheel base being, leading to driv-
ing, 9 feet 3 inches, driving to trailing, 7 feet 9 inches.
Ten of them were built, and Nos. 3502, 3505 and
3508 were, in 1890, converted into tender engines, for
the purpose above mentioned. The tenders were of
the type used with the 2080 class of goods engines.
Another innovation in railway locomotion intro-
duced by the Bristol and Exeter Railway was that of
combined engine and carnage for branch line traffic.
This combination was constructed^ by Mr Adams, of
Fairfield Works, Bow, E., and was called the ' Fairfield,'
and was first used on the Tiverton branch on 25th
December 1848 ; its length was 39 feet, and the boiler
was placed in a vertical position. The driving wheels
were 4 feet 6 inches diameter, and made of solid
wrought iron ; and trailing wheels 3 feet 6 inches,
of wood, and running independently on their axles as
well as their journals, the middle wheel having a lateral
transverse of 6 inches. The boiler was tubular and
vertical, 3 feet in diameter and 6 feet high ; the fire-
box 2 feet high and 2 feet 6 inches in diameter.
The cylinder was 8 inches diameter, with 12 inch
stroke ; the connecting rods worked a separate crank
shaft, which communicated with the driving wheels by
side rods, the axle of the driving wheels being straight,
with crank pins on the outside. The boiler was
placed behind the driving axle ; the tank, capable of
holding 220 gallons of water, being in front of it, and
the coke box was attached to the front part of the
carriage behind the driver.
' The bottom of the framing is within 9 inches of
the rails, so that, by keeping the centre of gravity
low, greater safety may be insured at high speed,
and freedom from oscillation obtained. The first-
196 A History of the Great Western Railway.
class carriage is in the form of a saloon, and accom-
modates sixteen passengers, while the second-class
compartment is seated for thirty-two. The entire
weight of the machine was about 10 tons, when occu-
pied with forty-eight passengers it will amount to
about I2itons, On the experimental trip, on the 8th
December 1848, the ' Fairfield ' left Paddington Station
at 10.30. A.M. for Swindon, 77 miles down the line,
with a party of gentlemen connected with various
railways. Mr Gooch officiated as driver on both the up
and down journeys. Though the rails were greasy
from the prevailing rain, in addition to a head wind,
and. what was worse, a leak in the boiler, the machine
soon attained considerable speed, and for a portion of
the way reached the rate of 49 miles an hour. On
arriving at Swindon the fire was extinguished, the
leak partially repaired, and after a reasonable sojourn
the party returned to town. The run back was ex-
ceedingly satisfactory, the speed of 49 miles being
maintained for a considerable part of the way. The
passage from Slough to Paddington being performed
in 30 minutes.'
Mr Gooch also designed and built at Swindon a
very powerful class of saddle tank engines — probably
the first saddle tank locomotives constructed. The
engines of this class, and of which the ' Corsair ' was
the prototype, and which were further developed in
the ' Pluto ' class, were used for hauling the trains
over the severe gradients on the South Devon Rail-
way until the conversion of the line to the Narrow
Gauge. The principal features were a leading bogie ;
wheels, 3 feet 6 inches diameter, and four coupled
wheels, 6 feet diameter; inside cylinders, 17 inch
by 24 inch stroke ; boiler, 10 feet 6 inches long,
with saddle tank on top ; fire-box, 4 feet 1 1 inches
in length; total length, 25 feet lof inches, or over
buffers, 27 feet 7 inches ; extreme height, top of
chimney to rail, 14 feet 10 inches ; weight, 35!- tons.
The brake fitted to the early engines of this class
Broad Gauge Locomotives.
197
was a curious contrivance, consisting of sledges of
iron suspended over' the rails between the driving
and trailing wheels ; it was applied by means of a
screw which forced the iron blocks upon the surface
of the rails, and this transferred the weight of the engine
from the wheels to the sledge brake — the brakes used
on the cable cars on Highgate Hill were on much the
same principle. Another great innovation in locomo-
'THE HUNCHBACKS.' A South Devon Saddle Tank, designed by Mr D. Gooch.
tives introduced by Mr Gooch on the Broad Gauge
was the coupling of two pairs of wheels, each 7 feet in
diameter. This was in 1855, and such large coupled
wheels were then unheard of, so that there is no doubt
that at that time the Broad Gauge was still far ahead
of its competitors in the matter of locomotive develop-
ment. Ten of the engines were constructed by Robert
Stephenson for the Great Western Railway, the
198 A History of the Great Western Railway.
general characteristics of which (excepting the coupled
wheels) were similar to the renowned ' Great Western.'
While on the subject of Broad Gauge engines
mention must be made of the celebrated tank loco-
motives used to work the heavy mineral traffic over
the steep gradients on the Vale of Neath Railway,
one bank of I in 50 being 4^- miles long — a loaded
Broad Gauge truck weighed 15 tons — and to convey
trains of these a class of six coupled tank engines was
constructed with wheels 4 feet 9 inches diameter ;
cylinders, 17 inches diameter; stroke, 24 inches; gross
weight, 40 tons. Upon one occasion one of these
engines hauled a train of twenty-five loaded trucks,
weighing 375 tons, or including the engine, a total
weight of 415 tons upon a bank of i in 90 for a dis-
tance of 4^- miles. This remarkable and unsurpassed
performance is equal to conveying a gross weight of
1 245 tons on a level line ; and at the present time, under
the most favourable conditions attainable in summer,
the London and North Western Railway consider a
train of less than 700 tons travelling over the good
gradients of its main line at an average speed of
15 miles an hour a noteworthy performance. Yet,
in effect, the Broad Gauge engines exceeded this
accomplishment more than forty years ago. But we
have already written in praise of Broad Gauge engines
satis s^lperque.
The last Broad Gauge engines constructed were
eight of the ' Ironclad' class, built at the end of 1891
and beginning of 1892. These were really Narrow
Gauge engines, with the wheels placed outside the
frames, to adapt them temporarily to the Broad Gauge.
CHAPTER XV.
THE SOUTH DEVON RAILWAY.
THE Broad Gauge having extended its trunk line as
far as Exeter, no time was lost by the promoters and
adherents of the wide gauge in still further extending
its lines to the westward, so, early in 1844, the South
Devon Railway, from Exeter to Plymouth, was pro-
jected. The public being already familiar with the many
advantages and increased speed of the Broad Gauge
railways ; two further novelties were introduced into
the South Devon Railway, viz., the daring con-
struction of a railway along the seashore from Star-
cross to Teignmouth, and the use of the atmospheric
system in place of locomotives as a propelling power.
The Bill was read a first time on 29th February 1844,
but the Admiralty stopped the second reading of it on
the 4th March, as it was alleged that the line along
the front at Dawlish was dangerous to the local fisher-
men. Mr Walker, the engineer, was sent to Devon-
shire by the Admiralty to report on this line and an
opposition line which took a more inland direction.
We extract from his report the following para-
graphs : — ' Notwithstanding that the coast line be-
tween Exeter and where it leaves the Teign is 3 miles
longer than that portion of the inland line which would
compare with it, I consider that its being nearly level
for the whole length, and the much greater population
upon it, whose convenience is to be considered, gives
it a preference over the inland line, which, on leaving
Exeter, has first a long rapid ascent of i in 75 for 3f
199
2oo A History of t lie Great Western Railway.
miles, then a tunnel f- of a mile long, then a series of
descents.'
' First. Keeping the general line of railway closer to
the cliffs, cutting off the projections to enable this to
be done, so that the necessary width may be obtained
chiefly out of the cliff. Second. Forming at proper
distances sloping ways of approach of sufficient length,
from the beach to the level of the railway, wherever
the coast is encroached upon. These would act as
groynes or jetties, to stop and collect on either side of
them the gravel or sand as it is driven along the shore
by the heavy seas, so that the beach would probably
be kept as high as the retaining wall. Third. As a
parapet wall must be raised above the level of the
railway to protect it and the trains from the winds, and
occasionally the waves, I think that this parapet wall
should, for the whole length upon the river and coast
—say from Powderham to Teignmouth — be nowhere
less than 6 or 8 feet inside the retaining or embank-
ment wall, leaving the space between the embankment
and the parapet as a public way for the convenience of
fishermen and mariners, and as a public walk or com-
munication. This might probably be considered by
the inhabitants of the town an equivalent for the
facilities which the railway may in other respects
deprive them of, so as to leave the balance in their
favour.'
The total length of the proposed line was 51
miles 72 chains, exclusive of a branch to Mill Bay,
Plymouth (67 chains long), which had a fall of i in 24,
and was not proposed to be worked by locomotives.
In it was a stiff rise of i in 42 for 2^ miles up the
Dainton Bank beyond Newton Abbot. There would
be four tunnels through the hard, red conglomerate,
and the town of Teignmouth would be cut in two,
there being no less than fourteen road bridges there.
Twelve miles of the course was along the border of
Dartmoor. It crossed the Yealm Valley on two
wooden viaducts, each 240 yards long, one of which
The South Devon Railway. 201
was on a curve of 25 chains radius, and on an incline
of i in 236. The estimated cost of constructing the
line was ,£1,000,000. Such were the facts as given
in evidence. This Bill sought powers to buy up the
Plymouth and Dartmoor Railway, and to alter the
gauge of same, it being a Narrow Gauge line used to
bring granite from the quarries on Dartmoor to Sutton
Harbour at Plymouth.
The railway was duly incorporated, the Act
receiving the royal assent 4th July 1844, with a
capital of £1,000,000, of which the Great Western
Railway subscribed £150,000, the Bristol and Exeter
£200,000, and the Midland (or more properly the
Birmingham and Gloucester) £50,000. There were
ten directors, of which the Great Western sent four,
Bristol and Exeter Railway five, and the Midland two.
The work of constructing the line was commenced
immediately after the Act was obtained, the line
commencing with a viaduct through Exeter. Beyond
this the line has a very level stretch until it approaches
the river bank at Powderham Castle. The construc-
tion of the line at this point was brought to a com-
plete standstill for four months by a curious natural
phenomenon. The stone to form this river wall was
sent in ships, which were to be unloaded at the spots
where the material was required. Usually at high
tide there would be sufficient water to enable the
boats to approach close to the river bank for the
purpose of unloading, but, unfortunately, for four
months, a strong contrary wind continued to blow,
which prevented the tides rising to their normal
height, and, therefore, the ships were unable to unload
the stone, and were compelled to wait in mid-stream
during the whole period ; but at last the wind died
away, and the boats could then approach the shore to
unload the stone, and the work of building the
embankment was commenced and everything possible
done to make up for the extraordinary delay. The
next portion of the line between Starcross and Lang-
2O2 A History of the Great Western Railway.
stone Cliff was also difficult to construct. The
traveller over this part of the line will notice, at high
tide, on either hand, the sea water, and at low tide, in
place of water, a large expanse of mud.
The original idea was to construct an embankment
across the Cockwood Swamp, and although the soil
was excavated to a depth of 40 feet, no firm founda-
tion could be found ; then the idea of George Stephen-
son, of laying down faggots, which he successfully
carried out at Chat Moss, was tried, with no better
success, until at last a wooden viaduct was constructed
over the swamp, being finished in December 1845.
From Langstone Cliff to Dawlish the line is con-
structed upon a raised terrace built on the seashore,
with the red cliffs for a background. At Dawlish
the railway is continued on an embankment, which
entirely separates the town from the seashore, so that
the houses on the front facing the sea have immedi-
ately in front of them a railway (instead of the usual
marine promenade) and beyond this the sea. The
work of construction beyond Dawlish was more
difficult, consisting of several short tunnels cut through
the cliff, these tunnels being connected by terraces cut
out of the face of the cliff, the seashore being on the
other hand. The principal one of these tunnels is the
last, known as the Parson's Rock Tunnel, 366 yards
long. From this point to Teignmouth a massive sea
wall was constructed of stone, the railway being on
the side immediately under the cliffs, a parapet wall
separating the line from the other half of the sea wall,
which was laid out for a public promenade. The
construction of this part of the line was attended with
many difficulties, as although extensive stone break-
waters were built, several times large portions of the
massive embankment were washed away during the
gales in the winter of 1845. To break the force of
the waves as much as possible, the wall facing the sea
was built with a concave front. Turning inland, we
arrive at the Teignmouth Station. The original head-
The South Devon Railway. 203
quarters of the South Devon Railway Company, the
primitive apology for a station, or ' Noah's Ark ' as it
is locally called, disgraced the Great Western Railway
until very recently ; but better things are in store, for
eighteen months ago the foundation for a new station
was commenced, and the modern structure will very
shortly be completed. Beyond Teignmouth Station
the line curves to the right and runs up the bank of
the Teign to Newton Abbot.
Up to this point the line is practically level,
the ruling gradient being i in 660, but beyond,
the conformation of the country is very unsuitable
for the purposes of constructing a railway with
good gradients. This drawback did not at the time
trouble Mr Brunei, the engineej to the South
Devon Railway Company, since he proposed to
work the line on the atmospheric principle, and one
of the advantages claimed for the system being that
steep banks were as easy to work as a level. There-
fore the rise of i in 43 for a distance of nearly 4
miles, with the Dainton Tunnel at the summit,
was constructed ; the line then falls for 5 miles
at i in 40, and then, after passing Totnes, for
a further 5 miles, there is a rise of i in 48, termin-
ating with the Marley Tunnel. The inhabitants of
this part of the country, being unacquainted with rail-
way works, took a great interest in the construction
of this short tunnel, not half a mile in length, and
on the last length of masonry being completed,
on 23d December 1846, a procession was arranged,
the contractor and engineer driving through the
tunnel, and over twenty of the neighbouring gentry
accompanying them on horseback. The tunnel was
lighted by torchlight, and ' upon the cavalcade emerg-
ing from the west end of the tunnel, it was heartily
cheered by the crowds assembled, while Lady Carew,
a local landowner, was much pleased with the pro-
ceeding, and gave the workmen engaged a dinner in
commemoration of the event.'
204 A History of the Great Western Railway.
Even at this early period a railway was proposed
to Kingsbridge, and a station erected at Wranger-
ton (now called Kingsbridge Road), selected for the
convenient approach of the projected branch from
Kingsbridge. Never has so long a time elapsed
in railway history before the realization of the pro-
ject has been fulfilled, for the opening of the line is
one of the latest events in the history of the Great
Western Railway, only taking place in the autumn
of 1893. Up to that time very many of the natives
had never seen a railway or locomotive engine,
although it was in 1845 when the line was first
projected.
We now come to the most remarkable portion
of the South Devon Railway, Brunei's wonderful
wooden trestle viaducts, of which there are four in
the next few miles of line. The construction of
these considerably delayed the opening of this line ;
at first, when it was intended to work the line by
the atmospheric system, fir was the wood used, but
after Brunei's remarkable change of opinion, when
he decided on using locomotives, these viaducts had
to be rebuilt of American oak, and indeed afterwards
iron girders were inserted within the woodwork, so
that the frailty of these curious structures was more
fanciful than real. Their construction is thus de-
scribed in Mr Brunei's interesting life of his father :—
' The piers are formed of plain walls built up to 35
feet below the level of the rails, those of the more
lofty viaducts being strengthened by buttresses. St
Pinnock is the loftiest viaduct on the Cornwall Rail-
way, the rails being at a height of 153 feet above the
ground. A description of the superstructure will
serve to explain the design of the principal viaducts on
the line.
The roadway planking rests on three beams, which
run longitudinally throughout the whole length of the
viaduct. Each of these beams consists of two pieces
of timber, one above the other, fastened together by
The Soitih Devon Railway. 205
bolts and joggles. The piers are 66 feet apart, centre
to centre, and the longitudinal beams are supported at
four nearly equi-distant points in this space by straight
single timbers radiating from the tops of the piers.
The feet of the timbers, which rest on the masonry in
cast-iron shoes, are connected together by wrought-
iron tie bars, and the framework is made rigid by iron
diagonals. The diagonal braces which are attached to
each set of the main timbers give transverse stability
to the superstructure.'
Although most of these viaducts are found on
the Cornwall Railway we may as well ( here de-
scribe them. When the South Devon and Corn-
wall Railways were completed there were some sixty
of these wooden viaducts in Devon and Cornwall,
forty-two of them being found in the 66 miles
between Plymouth and Falmouth, nine of which
occur in the 8 miles between Devonport and St
Germans, and seven in the 12 miles from Truro to
Falmouth. Two of these trestle bridges are each
more than a 1000 feet long, and at Truro is a pair
close together, the combined length of which is nearly
half a mile. The following are the principal via-
ducts: — The 'Rattery,' between Totnes and Brent,
consists of six spans of 50 feet each, at an elevation
of 50 feet, while beyond Brent is another, 72 feet
high ; The 'Erme' Viaduct, near Ivy Bridge, no feet
in height ; the ' Moorewater,' near Liskeard, 147 feet
high. This is the largest and highest, but it is now
rebuilt in granite. While among the seven on the
Falmouth branch are the ' Carnon/ 766 feet long, and
nearly 100 feet high ; the ' Ponsanooth,' 140 feet high,
and the 'Treberer' Viaducts. A temporary station
was opened at Laira (Plymouth), and this was the
terminus of the line for some time. The original
station was to have been erected near the site of the
present Devonport (Great Western) Station ; but upon
the Cornwall Railway being incorporated, this portion
of the line was sold to that company, and a new site
206 A History of the Great Western Railway.
for a joint terminus chosen at Mill Bay. The progress
of this extension was for a time stopped by a dispute
which arose between the South Devon Railway Com-
pany and the mortgagee in possession of the Dart-
moor Railway, a line 24 miles long, constructed in
1820. This railway was crossed on the level at right
angles by the South Devon line. The mortgagee, not
getting the terms he asked from the South Devon
Railway, brought immense blocks of granite from his
Dartmoor quarries, and deposited them on his line,
where the South Devon wished to cross. This effectu-
ally prevented the railway from proceeding with the
line, and they soon arranged a compromise, which had
the desired effect, the granite blocks being then re-
moved by the mortgagee of the Dartmoor Railway.
The South Devon Railway scheme proved, in a
measure, disastrous to the reputations of two of the
principal figures of the Broad Gauge party, for even
the undoubted genius of Mr Brunei, which was clearly
exemplified in so many stupenduous engineering feats,
was not sufficient to cause the public to forget and
forgive his unexampled change of front in connection
with the atmospheric system.
We now proceed to deal with the subject that makes
the South Devon Railway one of the most interesting
lines, not only in the history of the Broad Gauge rail-
ways but in the history of the railway system of the
world, viz., the atmospheric principle of propulsion.
The Act of Incorporation received the royal assent
on 4th July 1844, and within six weeks after, the
Directors reported to the shareholders : — ' Since the
passing of the Act a proposal has been received by
your Directors from Messrs Samuda Brothers, the
patentees of the atmospheric railway, to apply their
system of traction to the South Devon line. After
much deliberation the Board were induced to refer the
question to their engineer, Mr Brunei, for his opinion
thereon as well, in reference to the application of the
principle as to the economy stated to be the conse-
The S out k Devon Railway. 207
quence of its adoption. It was likewise deemed to be
desirable that a deputation of the Directors should
visit the atmospheric railway now in operation, from
Kingstown to Dalkey, with a view to inform them-
selves and their colleagues of its peculiar mode of
working, and of the actual expenses attendant there-
upon. In pursuing these inquiries every facility was
politely afforded by the Directors and engineer of that
line. From the careful consideration given to the
subject by Mr Brunei, as well as from the deliberate
and very decided opinion in favour of the system
which he has expressed to the Board, added to the
favourable report of the deputation, and also keeping
in view the fact that at many points of the line both
gradients and curves will render thejapplication of this
principle peculiarly advantageous, your Directors, in the
belief that it will be greatly to the interest of the
company, have resolved that the atmospheric system,
including the construction of an electric telegraph,
should be adopted upon the whole line of the South
Devon Railway. On reviewing the circumstances to
which the Directors have already adverted, viz., the
reduced cost of construction, and (if the atmospheric
principle be adopted) the diminished expense of work-
ing, added to the probability of an increased traffic,
they trust they shall not be deemed too sanguine in
stating, as their firm conviction, that there are few
railways yet in operation, or, in contemplation, that
offer fairer prospects of success than the South
Devon line.' There can be no doubt that both the
Directors and Mr Brunei had from the first decided
upon working the line by atmospheric propulsion. At
the annual meeting of the South Devon Railway, held
on 30th August 1845, the following report from Mr
Samuda was read : —
' i. That we obtained a vacuum of 27^ inches in 5
miles of pipe, working only one engine over
the two sections to obtain it, not only once,
but every time, with ease.
2o8 A History of the Great Western Railway.
' 2. When the engine is stopped, and the vacuum
allowed to be destroyed by leakage, it takes
two hours to reduce the barometer to zero
(though at Dalkey 15 minutes would be all
the time it could be maintained above the
zero point), the leakage being here less than
half horse power per mile.
' 3. The facility of obtaining the vacuum is greater,
having regard to the length, than anything
we have hitherto done.
'4. We have travelled over the 5 miles in
6 minutes 45 seconds when working one
engine only, and in 6 minutes 14 seconds
when working engines at both stations, as
intended in practice, viz., at the middle and
the end to propel, the train.
' 5. To do the distance in the above time, which
includes the time of obtaining our speed
and coming to rest, the maximum speed
was 70 miles an hour.
' 6. The practical result of our working was to
beat the Brighton quick train ; having given
it one minute's law, and then started from
rest while the Brighton train passed the
spot where we were standing at full speed,
drawn by two locomotives, and continued
with unabated speed, and was, in fact, going
as fast as it could when we overhauled it
. 4 miles beyond where we started.
' 7. With a train of eight carriages and about 200
persons we stopped with the brakes on an
incline rising i in 50, and started again
nearly as free as on the level. On the
whole the results are beyond what we led
anyone to expect, and I trust it will not
be long before I have an opportunity of
showing them to the South Devon Direc-
tors.'
This report immediately caused the South Devon
The South Devon Railway.
209
shares to rise ^5 in value, so great was the faith of
the public in this system of propulsion.
After very many delays (the real reason for which,
although not openly acknowledged, was Mr Brunei's
desire to see how the atmospheric system answered
on the Croydon Railway) the first section of the
South Devon Railway from Exeter to Teignmouth
was opened on 3d May 1846. The line was, however,
worked by locomotive engines supplied by the Great
Western Railway. Nor would this portion of the line
have been opened at this date had not the inhabit-
ants of the districts been so loud in their complaints
as to the inconvenience caused by the delay in open-
ing. On the opening day the first train left Exeter
at 12.10 P.M., and returned from Teignmouth at
1.15 P.M. There were .then but two intermediate
stations, Starcross and Dawlish. The following was
the original service of trains :—
ON WEEK DAYS.
UP TRAINS.
Leaving Teignmouth at 7.10 A.M. arrive Exeter 7.55 A.M.
9-55
n-55
g.io
IT. 10
1.15 P
4-25
6-45
8-45
5.10
7-30
9-3°
i.
DOWN TRAINS.
Leaving Exeter at 8.10 A.M. arrive Teignmouth 8.55 A.M.
12.10 P.M. , I2-55 p-M-
2-20 ,, , 3-5 »
3-25 » , 4-io „
5-40 „ , 6.25 „
7-4o „ ; 8.25 „
10.10 „ , 10.55 s
SUNDAY TRAINS.
UP TRAINS.
Leaving Teignmouth at 7.15 A.M. arrive Exeter 8.0 A.M.
» ,, 9-3° » >, 10.18 „
„ „ 8.30 P.M. „ 9.25 P.M.
O
2io A History of the Great Western Raihvay.
DOWN TRAINS.
Leaving Exeter at 8.20 A.M. arrive Teignmouth 9.15 A.M.
,, 5-40 P-M. „ 6.25 P.M.
» » IO-5 » » 10.50 „
Fares, from Exeter to Teignmouth,
First-class, 23. 6d. ; second-cbss, 23. ; third-class, is. 2d.
By order of the Directors.
W. CARR, Secretary.
EXETER, i8//^ May 1846.
'NOTE. — Horses, carriages and dogs will be conveyed by rail-
way, and also fish ; but for the present no other description of goods.'
The fares were the cheapest of any then charged,
being only 2d. for first-class, i^d. for second-class, and
id. for third-class per mile, and the traffic much ex-
ceeded the expectation of the Directors, amounting to
from the first 12,000 passengers per week, and the
receipts to ^600 per week.
The Great Western Railway charged is. 4d. per
mile for locomotive power, but with the atmospheric
system the Directors told the shareholders the ex-
pense would not exceed 6d. per mile for haulage.
The first experiment of the atmospheric system on
the South Devon line was made on 26th February
1847, when a train of two carriages went from Exeter
to Turf and back, upon which occasion Mr Brunei said
everything gave him full satisfaction. During the half
J O O O
year to 3ist December 1846 the receipts amounted to
,£15,620, and the expenditure to ,£10,124, of which
^3269 had been paid the Great Western Railway for
locomotive hire.
At a meeting in Plymouth in May 1847, the
Chairman said that they had attained a speed of 70
miles an hour with a light train, and 33 miles an hour
with a train weighing 100 tons (this was the weight
of the train itself, as, of course, no locomotives were
used), He also stated that it was ' the great desire
of the Directors to extend to the public the benefit of
the opening to Plymouth at as early a period as
The South Devon Railway. 211
possible, that they would use the locomotive tem-
porarily from Totnes to this town.'
On 1 8th August a goods train of eleven trucks,
weighing 120 tons, travelled the 8J miles, Exeter to
Starcross, in 15 minutes. On 8th September 1847,
besides the usual service of trains hauled by locomo-
tives, four extra ones commenced running, these being
propelled by the atmospheric system. This was the
first public use of the system on the South Devon
Railway. Shortly after, three of the regular trains
were also propelled by means of the atmospheric
apparatus. Although the line was opened as far
as Newton Abbot, between that station and Teign-
mouth locomotives were employed, but the piston
carriage on the down train went on to Newton,
where it was taken off with the superfluous carriages
and placed on a convenient line to be attached to the
up train when required, so that, on arriving at Teign-
rnouth, where the locomotive was removed, the piston
carriage started the train when the signal was given ;
and on the down atmospheric train arriving at Teign-
mouth, the engine that had to run in front was instantly
attached to the piston carriage, and was ready for the
start at all times before the guard was ready or the
passengers seated.
A traveller thus relates his experience of the
system : — ' The trains ran up to the respective stations,
and were stopped and started again with the utmost
ease and with as much regularity as we ever witnessed
in those propelled by steam power. In travelling
the passengers experience scarcely any oscillation.
We tested the steadiness of the piston carriage when
the train was at its greatest speed, by placing a half-
penny on a narrow ledge of the sliding sash, and for
a distance of 3 miles it never shook or moved from its
position.' On Qth November trains worked on the
atmospheric system commenced running to Newton
Abbot.
On loth January 1848 all the trains except the
212 A History of the Great Western Railway.
first and last each way commenced running by atmo-
spheric power, and the trial fully answered all the
expectations. Notwithstanding the disadvantages at-
tending the commencement of every new undertaking,
not a single instance of stoppage or delay occurred on
the new piece of road from Teignmouth to Newton.
On the first day the express train was unusually heavy,
and it started from Newton 6 minutes after its
proper time, but reached Exeter at the regular period,
gaining 6 minutes on the 20 miles. On the i2th the
down express train was 30 minutes late at Exeter,
but on arriving at Newton 10 minutes had been re-
covered— so much therefore in praise of the system.
On 2 Qth February the general meeting of the com-
pany was held, and the Chairman then stated ' the
atmospheric had proved so successful that the loco-
motive had been entirely withdrawn from the line
between Newton and Exeter. Out of 884 trains
which had then been run 790 had either gained time
or performed the journey in the exact time. Of the
remainder 70 lost from i to 5 minutes, 14 from 6 to 10
minutes, 3 from n to 15 minutes, 7 from 1 6 minutes
and upwards.'
After all these eulogistic speeches and reports,
the shareholders and the public were very greatly
surprised to find in the report for the half year to
3Oth June 1848, that a loss of ^2489 had .occurred
in working the line during the six months, and that
the Directors recommended the suspension of the
atmospheric system.
Mr Brunei presented an exhaustive report on the
failure of the system (see Appendix). This remarkable
change of front on behalf of Mr Brunei had a dis-
astrous effect on his reputation, a dead set being
made against him at the meeting, one shareholder
stating, — ' On the system which is now to be abandoned
the company have already expended from ^300,000
to ^"400,000. Mr Brunei had received warning upon
warning from engineers as eminent as himself, but
The South Devon Railway. 2 1 3
had recklessly entered upon this extravagant expen-
diture, not at his own expense, but that of others—
at the expense of persons of small means, widows
and others who had invested their all in such enter-
prises, and who could ill afford to pay the cost of
his playing in this manner with their property. So
the South Devon Line was left with bad gradients
—a long bank of I in 40, which was laid down by
Mr Brunei in the certainty that locomotive power
would not be used ; and the tremendous inclines were
left to be worked as best they could be by locomotive
power, and the Great Western Railway route to the
far west was for ever debarred from being worked
at anything like the express speed that had made this
line from London to Exeter world -famous ; and so that
after exactly a year's trial the experiment was aban-
doned, and locomotives only were employed to haul
the trains, Mr Brunei, in his report to the Directors,
advising the withdrawal of the atmospheric system,
basing his decision principally on the fact that the
leather of the longitudinal valve was perished, and
required renewing, which would have cost some
^1600 a mile, or £32,000 for the section then open.
He attributed the deterioration of the leather to the
chemical action set up by the wet iron on the tannin
of the leather ; to the absorption of the natural grease
of the leather by the immense suction of the air
pump, and to the injurious properties of the sealing
composition on the leather ; these facts together
making the leather so brittle that it was easily torn
by the coulter connecting the piston and the carriage,
and the leather had from the same causes become so
sponge-like that it failed as an air-tight covering to
the valve, and so prevented the formation of an
effective vacuum in the traction pipe.
The Directors decided to act upon Mr Brunei's
recommendation, in consequence of which Mr Gill,
the Chairman, resigned his position on the Board.
The majority of the South Devon Directors were
214 A History of the Great Western Railway.
the nominees of the Great Western Railway, which
company held a large proportion of the South Devon
shares, and it was to the advantage of the Great
Western Railway that the South Devon Railway
should use locomotive power, as the Great Western
Railway supplied the engines on hire to it, and so
made a considerable profit out of the substitution of
locomotives for the atmospheric system. Mr Gill wrote
a lengthy pamphlet urging the retention of atmospheric
traction. The Directors for some months did not
answer this attack on their policy, but the agitation
led by Mr Gill compelled them at last to do so, and
to call a special meeting of shareholders to finally
decide as to what systen should be used — locomotive
or atmospheric. This meeting was held at Exeter,
on 6th January 1849. At it Mr Gill stated that
the cost of locomotive traction on their line was
is. 7^d. per mile ; while he had an offer from Clark
and Varley to spend ;£ 10,000 of their own money
on experimenting with their patent valve on two
miles of the line, and, if successful, they would enter
into a contract for five or seven years to complete
the system at a cost of only ^5000 a mile, and
that they would take a considerable portion of this
price in South Devon stock. They also under-
took that the cost of working on their system should
not exceed more than is. a mile. Mr Gill also
stated that he had offers from twenty-five different
inventors who were willing to have their atmospheric
systems tried on somewhat similar terms. Samuda's
valve, which was the one the South Devon Railway
had used, Mr Gill considered the worst of all those
submitted to him. After the meeting had lasted
eight hours a poll was taken, with the following
result : — For abandoning the atmospheric — present
576 shares, proxies 5324 shares, total 5900 ; against
the abandonment — present 645 shares, proxies 1230
shares, total 1875. It will be seen, therefore, that
there were a majority of 69 shares present at the
The South Devon Railway. 215
meeting in favour of the retention of the atmospheric,
but the immense number of shares held by the Great
Western and Bristol and Exeter Railways, who were
interested in supplying locomotive power to the South
Devon Railway, completely swamped the ordinary
shareholders, so that the final abandonment of the
atmospheric system was carried by a majority of
4025 shares. The plant, which had cost the com-
pany over ^300,000, was sold for about ;£ 50,000.
Clark and Varley's system, which Mr Gill pro-
posed should be used on the South Devon Rail-
way, consisted of the tube being made of wrought
sheet iron, and constructed so as to form a powerful
spring ; the edges were provided with tips of india-
rubber, about 1 3- inches high, and the circular form
of the sheet iron pressed them close together, while
the weight of the train on the lines, to which the
edges of the tube were attached, opened the valve
sufficiently for the coulter to enter, and as the train
proceeded, and its weight was withdrawn from the
metals, the valve closed automatically behind it.
The South Devon line was opened to Laira (a
temporary station at Plymouth) on ist May 1848,
the service consisting of six trains each way. As
already stated, the Great Western Railway provided
the locomotive power to work the South Devon Rail-
way, Mr Brunei building engines of the ' Corsair '
type ; but after some years the South Devon share-
holders thought they could do better, and contracted
with Messrs Geach, Evans and Company to work this
line and the Cornwall jointly. Mr Daniel Gooch had
a considerable interest in this firm of engine builders,
and most probably designed the locomotives supplied
by Evans and Company. But the South Devon Rail
way fared, perhaps, even worse under Evans and Com-
pany. This firm was paid is. 8d. per train mile run
for locomotive power, and they must have made
enormous profits out of the contract, for, with their
drivers, the coal used was reduced to a minimum.
2 1 6 A History of the Great Western Railway.
Liberal premiums were paid the engine drivers for the
coal saved, and to see one of the goods trains ascend-
ing a bank at less than 6 miles an hour, and running
down the other side of the incline with steam off, was
certainly a vivid example of economy. After twenty-
one years this contract was determined, and the rail-
way took over the locomotives at a valuation, and
worked the line itself, when the cost of locomotive
power was found to work out at only lod. per mile, so
that Evans and Company had been making about half of
their ' little bill ' clear profit every year. Although the
line has such severe gradients, these lend themselves to
economical working of the goods traffic, as the trains
crawl up one side of the bank (the Great Western
now do this at 10 miles an hour against Evans and
Company's 6 miles an hour), and run down the other
side by the force of gravity.
It was at the end of 1866 that Evans and Company's
contract was determined, and the South Devon and
Cornwall Railways decided to provide joint loco-
motives to work their systems. In 1867 the Avon-
side Engine Company constructed saddle tank engines
with a leading bogie, from the design of Mr Slaughter.
These locomotives, known as the ' Pluto ' class, were
for some time the standard type engines west of
Newton.
The Torquay branch was opened on i8th Decem-
ber 1848. In 1857 the Dartmouth and Torbay Rail-
way was formed, and the line from Torquay to
Paignton opened on 2d August 1859, while the second
portion to Brixham Road (now called Churston) was
opened for passenger traffic on i4th March, and for
goods on ist April 1861. From Churston, branches
the Torbay and Brixham Railway. While writing about
the South Devon Railway, we take the opportunity to
shortly describe the romantic career of the Torbay
and Brixham Railway, a line but 2\ miles long, but
interesting from the fact that it was constructed by a
private gentleman, who, to help the fishing town of
The So2it/i Devon Railway. 217
Brixham, spent the whole of his fortune on making
this railway, and completely ruined himself in the
laudable attempt to benefit his fellowmen. A local
company then took over the line, and worked it
independently of the South Devon Railway, which
latter company, year by year, delivered accounts by
which the Brixham line appeared to be more and more
in debt to it, and so greatly pressed for money was this
little railway, that it mortgaged its only locomotive,
' The Queen,' to the South Devon Railway for ^350.
But money matters went from bad to worse, till the
Brixham Directors appealed to the Railway Com-
missioners, who went into the case fully, and found
that the debt was entirely on the other side, the South
Devon Railway having to pay the Torbay and Brix-
ham Railway over ^2000, less the '^350 already ad-
vanced on its engine. At one time the Brixham
Company was so exasperated that, in 1875, it ob-
tained Parliamentary sanction to alter the gauge of
its line, the idea being that if the gauges of the lines
were different, no interchange of traffic could take
place, and the South Devon Railway would be effec-
tually prevented from making any charges for such
accommodation ; but this change of gauge was not
carried out until the final conversion of the Great
Western Railway in 1892.
This small railway had another hardship to con-
tend against, as although it had never made enough
money to pay even the debenture interest, yet year
by year the Government charged it ^50 for passenger
duty, based on the fact that the third-class passengers
were charged ^d. each for the journey of 2^ miles,
which, however, was the fare authorized by its Act of
Parliament.
CHAPTER XVI.
THE CORNWALL RAILWAY.
EARLY in 1844, a meeting was called at Truro, at
which it was decided to form a company to construct a
railway through Cornwall, -and a provisional committee
was appointed at a meeting held on 6th August. The
report of this committee was adopted. The principal
recommendations were, the construction of a coast
line from Plymouth to Falmouth ; the adoption of the
atmospheric system of propulsion ; the crossing of
the Tamar by means of a steam bridge, the train
being itself thus ferried across, so that passengers
would have the advantage of through carriages from
London, etc.
The traffic was estimated to produce ,£105,655
per annum, the expenses of an atmospheric
line were put down at .£38,000, and the profit at
,£67,000, or sufficient to pay 7 per cent, on the capital
of .£900,000. If worked by locomotives the annual
expenses were estimated at ,£46,000.
The capital was divided into 18,000 shares of ^£50,
of which the Great Western Railway and its associated
companies took 5000, the local capitalists took 3000,
and the remaining 10,000 were subscribed for four
times over in two months. As might be expected, the
London and South Western Railway immediately
started an opposition line, ' The Cornwall and Devon
Central,' commencing at Exeter and passing through
Crediton, Bow, Hatherleigh, Okehampton, Launces-
ton, Bodmin, and Truro to Falmouth, a line 98
miles in length, or 20 miles shorter than the South
218
The Cornwall Railway. 219
Devon and Cornwall route. This line was to be
double throughout. The capital of this line was
,£1,500,000, and the London and South Western
Railway undertook to provide ,£450,000. On the 4th
of March 1845 the railway department of the Board of
Trade reported on these rival schemes ; the defects of
the central line are thus dealt with : — ' Throughout its
whole length it has hardly a mile running at or near
the natural surface of the ground. It has nine tunnels,
whose united length amounts to 4820 yards, 8 miles
of cutting at depths exceeding 50 feet, 9 miles of em-
bankment of a height exceeding 70 feet, and 1076
yards of viaduct at heights of 83 and 45 feet. The
difficulty and expense of such immense works are
greatly enhanced by the geological character of the
district through which they would Tiave to be con-
structed. It appears from statements submitted to us
that one tunnel of 700 yards, at a depth of 146 feet
below the surface, is through granite, a cutting of if
miles, as deep in parts as 70 feet, is through granite
and hard greenstone.'
While the report was extremely favourable to the
Cornwall line, ' we are of opinion that the exten-
sion of the coast line from Plymouth to Falmouth
may fairly be sanctioned as a commercial specula-
tion, and that, in this point of view, it affords
the only practicable means at present of extending
railway communication to the county of Cornwall.'
After a long hearing the Lord's Committee reported, —
' That they were of opinion that the construction of a
railway from Plymouth to Falmouth, with a branch to
Bodmin, would be of great public advantage. But
they were also of opinion, that without a further and
more accurate survey, with the view to procure
gradients of a more favourable character, and to avoid,
if possible, the crossing of the Hamoaze, the Bill
should not now be further proceeded with.'
In the Bill introduced in 1846, the gradients were
greatly improved, none being steeper than i in 60,
220 A History of the Great Western Railway.
while the proposal to ferry the trains across the Tamar
was withdrawn, and a high level bridge at Saltash sub-
stituted. Before the Lord's Committee, a Cornishman,
who was giving evidence in favour of the Bill, was one
too many for Mr Sergeant Kinslake, who appeared
for the opposition scheme. The witness was cross-
examined as to the passenger traffic between St Austell
and Truro, conveyed by vans, and he stated they were
chiefly used by people of a low class. ' Now be
careful, have you never travelled by one of those
vans?' asked the learned sergeant. 'No,' was the
reply. 'Just think again and be sure.' 'I never
have,' responded the witness, ' although I have heard
of barristers who have.' This reply raised a general
laugh at the counsel's expense. The Bill received the
royal assent in August 1846. The opposition line
(The Cornwall and Devon Central Railway), promoted
by the London and South Western Railway, failed to
obtain their Bill, and was left in a curious predicament
in consequence. Both the Cornwall lines had made
offers for the Bodmin and Wadebridge Railway, and
that of the Central Company being the better, it was
accepted, the purchase price being £35,000. What
to do with this line was the question that exercised the
minds of the officials of the Central Company, and
after various negotiations, rather than it should fall
into the hands of the Cornwall Railway, the London
and South Western Railway took it over. The his-
tory of this little line is interesting. It was opened in
1834, and constructed to convey sand to and from the
mouth of the Carnal, to enrich the meadow land round
about Wenford and Bodmin. It began by being re-
markable in being built for less than the estimated
cost, as with a capital of ,£35,000 it had £"106, 8s. 5d.
in hand when completed. The Great Western, in
1845, although more than 100 miles from the Bodmin
and Wadebridge Railway, and although it was not
paying a dividend, offered to buy it at a considerable
profit on the cost of its construction, provided they got
The Cornwall Railway. 221
their Bill passed; while the London and South
Western offered to buy it, if their Bill passed or not,
but at a less price than the Great Western. Their
offer was accepted, and it has been South Western
property ever since, although it is not even yet
connected with their system. The passenger rolling
stock consisted of a first and second composite and
two open thirds. The train went from Wadebridge to
Bodmin on Monday, Wednesday and Friday, and
returned on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday. The
line was I4f- miles long. Recently the Great Western
constructed a branch about 4 miles long from Bodmin
Road, on their Cornwall line, to Bodmin, and so con-
nected this early line with the great rival of its owning
company, and so, since the abolition of the Broad
Gauge, with the rest ' of the lines' in this country.
But although the Cornwall Railway had been legally
incorporated, nothing was done towards constructing
the line for some years. The disastrous financial
failures and general commercial depression in 1847-48
prevented the construction of the line being actively
proceeded with, 7-^ miles of the course had been pur-
chased and the works were commenced in the end of
1847, but in the middle of the next year they were
wholly abandoned. To preserve the benefits of the
Act, upon obtaining which an immense sum of money
had been expended, a supplementary Act was obtained
in 1847 extending the time for the completion of the
line to 23d June 1860. The project was then left in
complete abeyance until 1853, when another start was
made with the construction of the line between Ply-
mouth and Truro, 53^ miles, an Act having been
obtained allowing until August 1864 for the com-
pletion of the line from Truro to Falmouth.
The line was formally opened by Prince Consort
on 4th May 1859. It was a single one throughout, but
is now being doubled. The principal work is the
Saltash Suspension Bridge, Brunei's great masterpiece.
The appended description of the construction and
222 A History of the Great Western Railway.
opening of this colossal engineering feat is from the
Life of I. K. Brunei.
ROYAL ALBERT BRIDGE.
The great cylinder, having been constructed on
the river bank, was moved down to low water on
launching-ways, and floated off by the rising tide.
BRUNEL'S MASTERPIECE — The ' ROYAL ALBERT BRIDGE,' Saltash,
connecting Cornwall and ' England.'
Guided between four pontoons, it was finally sunk in
correct position in June 1854.
Some delay in penetrating the mud was caused by
a bed of oyster shells which had to be cut through by
one edge of the cylinder. In consequence of some
irregularities of the surface of the rock, the cylinder
at first deviated considerably from an upright position,
and it was necessary to use the pneumatic apparatus to
The Carnival t Railway. , 223
gain access to the rock and excavate it. The height
of the annulus below the dome was such that it was
not quite filled by the mud when the cylinder rested
on the bottom. The work of getting the mud out of
the annular space was much faciliated by the division
of it into compartments.
By February 1855, the cylinder had been sunk to
its full depth in an upright position, and it then rested
everywhere on the rock, its lowest point being 87 feet
6 inches below high water. Much trouble was given
by a spring of water issuing out of a fissure in the
rock, in one of the compartments, but the flow
was stopped by driving close sheet piles into the
fissure. The rock iri the annulus was dressed, and
the space filled by a ring of granite ashlar masonry,
which was built to a height of about 7 feet all round.
The rock consisted of greenstone trap, so hard that
tools could with difficulty be got to work it. When the
ring of masonry was completed, it was expected that
the bottom might be sufficiently watertight to act as
a coffer-dam, and allow of the mud being taken out
from the central part of the cylinder below the dome.
But the pumping power was not at first sufficient for
this purpose, and it was thought that it would be
necessary to employ the pneumatic process in this
space also. However, by rapid and incessant pump-
ing, the water was lowered so as to allow of the mud
and rock being excavated, and the masonry in the
central space built without having again recourse to
the use of air pressure. The leakage water was con-
veyed to two wells formed of cast-iron pipes built into
the masonry, from which the water was pumped.
The inner plates of the annulus were cut out, and the
work in the centre, which consisted of granite ashlar
set in cement, was throughly bonded into the ring
of masonry already built. When the work was
carried up to the level of the dome, both the dome
and the internal 10 feet cylinder were cut out and
removed. When the building had been carried up
224 -A History of the Great Western Railway.
some height, the pump wells were filled with cement
concrete, and the influx of water stopped. Finally,
about the end of 1856, when the masonry was com-
pleted to the cap of the pier, the upper part of the
great cylinder was unbolted and taken ashore, it
having been made in two halves with that object.
Thus the most difficult part of the undertaking was
successfully completed.
The centre pier of the Saltash Bridge is, like
many great engineering works, out of sight, and little
regarded by any but professional men. The rest of
the bridge forms a striking feature in a beautiful
landscape, and its appearance is well known. The
whole length of the bridge is about 2200 feet, and
is divided into two great spans over the river of 455
feet each, and seventeen side spans, varying from 70 to
90 feet, which are on sharp curves. The piers of the
side spans, as well as the two large piers carrying
the land ends of the main trusses, are of masonry.
The masonry of the centre pier is 35 feet in diameter,
and is carried up about 12 feet above high water
level. On it stand four cast-iron octagonal columns,
rising up to the level of the railway. The piers
which support the ends of the great trusses are con-
structed with arched openings through which the
trains pass.
The upper part of the centre pier is a cast-iron
standard, and that of the land piers is of masonry
cases with cast-iron. The highest part of the truss
is 260 feet above the lowest point of the founda-
tions.
The railway is carried over each of the smaller
openings between two longitudinal girders, and over
the main spans it is carried between similar longi-
tudinal girders, which are suspended at intervals from
the main truss. Each truss consists of a wrought-iron
oval tube, which forms an arch, and of two suspension
chains, one on either side of the tube, connecting its
two ends.
The Cornwall Railway. 225
The rise of the arched tube above its abutments
on the top of the piers is the same as the fall of the
suspension chains below the same level. At eleven
points in the length of the truss the chains are con-
nected to the tube by upright standards, which are
braced together by diagonal bars in order to resist
the strains due to unequal loading. The roadway
girders are suspended from the truss at the upright
standards already mentioned, and at an intermediate
point between each of them.
The truss has the great depth of 56 feet in the
centre ; this conduces materially to the economy of
the construction as it diminishes the strain upon the
principal parts, the tube and the chains, and so en-
ables them to be made of smaller dimensions. The
truss may be described as a combination of an arch
and a suspension bridge, half the weight being placed
on the one and half on the other, the outward thrust
of the arch on the abutments being counterbalanced
by the inward drag on the chains. The mechanical
arrangement of the Saltash truss is similiar to that
of the one at Chepstow, the tube resting on standards,
the railway passing beneath, the suspension chains
hung from either side of the tube, the upright stand-
ards and the diagonal bracing are common to the
two structures. The total weight of wrought-iron
work in the superstructure of each span is 1060 tons.
When the truss for the Cornwall or western span was
completed, temporary piers were erected to support
the ends, and the scaffolding having been removed,
the roadway was loaded with 1190 tons uniformly
distributed. This test having proved satisfactory,
preparations were made for floating the truss. Docks
were made underneath it near the two ends, and in
each of these docks two iron pontoons were placed,
valves were then opened to admit water, and the
pontoons were allowed to sink on timbers prepared
to receive them.
Upon each pair of pontoons was erected an elabor-
226 A History of the Great Western Railway.
ate framework of timber to carry the weight of half
the truss, or between 500 and 600 tons. The frame-
work consisted of stout timber props, some of them
40 feet long, extending from the pontoon to the
arched tube, and was attached to the tube by iron
suspension rods, so that when the operation of float-
ing was completed the pontoons would be free to
pass from underneath the truss. In order to haul
the truss out warps were laid from the pontoons to a
gun brig hulk near the centre pier and to a barge
higher up the river. On this barge were also placed,
ready for use, the ends of four warps leading to cap-
stans and crabs on board vessels moored at various
points. To keep the truss from being drifted up or
down the river while being moved out, radius lines
were laid from the pontoons to moorings, with arrange-
ments for hauling in on them if required.
In order to ensure his directions being clearly
understood and promptly attended to, Mr Brunei
assembled a number of his assistants, one of whom
was placed as ' captain ' in each of the vessels contain-
ing the hauling capstans to superintend the men and to
execute orders. These orders were given by signals.
It was most important that the attention of the captain
should not be diverted by looking out for the signals,
and that there should be no chance of a signal not
being seen by him because he was attending to some
other of his duties.
There was therefore in each vessel an assistant
whose sole duty it was to watch for the signals, to
give the appropriate interpretation to the captain,
and to acknowledge the signal by a flag correspond-
ing to that by which it was given.
Mr Brunei directed the operations from a platform
in the centre of the truss. The signals were given
from a smaller platform immediately above, and were
made by red and white flags held in front of black
boards, which were turned toward the vessel signalled
to. Printed papers containing instructions were dis-
The Cornwall Railway. 227
tributed to all engaged, the signalling was carefully-
rehearsed, as also was every other part of the opera-
tions which could be tried beforehand.
ist September was the day fixed for the floating.
During the morning the men, about 500 in number,
assembled at their stations on the vessel and pontoons.
At about one o'clock in the afternoon signals from the
tops of the temporary piers on which the truss rested
showed that the ends had been lifted 3 inches clear.
Mr Brunei then gave the signal for the men in the pon-
toons to haul on the warps, and the great structure glided
slowly out to the centre of the river. A pause was
then made, while the warps which were to swing the
truss round into its place were being attached to the
pontoon which was farthest from the centre pier.
When this was done the different ropes were hauled
upon in obedience to signals, so as to keep the other
pontoon close to the centre pier, upon which, as a
pivot, the truss swung round in a quarter circle till it
occupied the whole of the western half of the river,
and was brought close to its appointed resting place.
It was finally adjusted to its exact position by strong
tackles attached to the piers. Water was then ad-
mitted into the pontoons ; and as the tide fell they
were allowed to drift away, leaving the truss resting on
the piers, the roadway girders being but a few feet
above the water.
The whole operation was conducted with the most
perfect order and regularity,
Under each end of the truss were three hydraulic
presses ; the two outside presses combined, or the
middle one by itself, were sufficient to lift the weight.
Mr Brunei had also at first intended to have strong
screw-jacks, which were to be kept screwed up under-
neath the truss, and so to support the weight, if by any
accident the presses failed. A modification of this plan
was adopted ; the rams of the presses had a screw
thread cut on them, and a large nut on each was kept
screwed up hard against the top of the press as the ram
228 A History of the Great Western Railway.
emerged from it. As an additional precaution, timber
packing, in thin layers, was placed in the space be-
tween the completed portion of the pier and the end of
the truss as it was lifted. Great care was thus taken
to guard against any mishap. The tube was lifted 3
feet at a time at each end. The operation went on
slowly in order to allow the masonry of the land pier
to set after it had been built up underneath the truss.
Mr Brunei was only able to be present during one
of the lifting operations as he was then engaged in
the 'launch' of the 'Great Eastern,' so that it was
superintended by Mr Brereton.
By July 1858 the first truss had been lifted to its full
height, and the second truss was ready for floating.
Mr Brunei was obliged to remain abroad from ill
health, and Mr Brereton conducted the operations.
Although the weather was not favourable, and the
wind high, the truss was safely landed on the piers,
and was afterwards raised in the same manner as the
first one. On the Devonshire side, the side spans
pass over fields, and on the Cornwall side over the
town of Saltash.
The general effect of the bridge is in no way
heightened by an expenditure of money on architec-
tural ornament ; for with the exception of a few unim-
portant mouldings, the bridge is absolutely unadorned.
The total cost was ^"225,000, a very moderate expen-
diture, especially when the difficult work at the centre
pier is taken into consideration. This result is due
not only to the careful manner in which all the details
of the design were prepared, but also to the great
attention given throughout to its construction.
His Royal Highness the Prince Consort, as Lord
Warden of the Stannaries, permitted the bridge to be
called the Royal Albert Bridge, and consented to open
it in person. The ceremony was performed on 3d
May 1859. Mr Brunei was on the Continent at the
time, but on his return to England paid a hurried visit
to the Cornwall Railway, and saw for the first and
The Cornwall Railway. 229
last time in its completed state the great work on
which he had expended so much thought and care.'
The other remarkable works are the numerous
timber viaducts, the construction of which we have
already specified in the chapter describing the South
Devon Railway. The entire line to Falmouth was
opened in 1863. On the 12 miles between Truro
and Falmouth, there are seven trestle viaducts, two
tunnels, many deep cuttings, high embankments, and
sharp curves.
Just before Perranwell, we cross at right angles
the little railway constructed for the purpose of bring-
ing minerals from the Chacewater and St Day districts
to the shipping port of Devoran on the Truro River.
This small mineral line has been used for this sole
purpose for many years. The Falmouth Station is
nearly a mile beyond the town, quite a unique ex-
perience, but just as inconvenient as the usual one
of building a station a mile before the town is
reached. Its position, however, adjoins the docks,
which were expected to become of great importance ;
hence the reason for this site being chosen for the
station. The Great Western leased the line in 1861
for a term of a thousand years, to date from 3d May
1859, so that the Cornwall Railway practically formed
a part of their system ; but the ' Sleepy Giant ' on
different occasions purchased the connecting railways ;
but in 1889 the lease was cancelled and the Great
Western Railway purchased the Cornwall Railway,
so that now the Great Western Railway owns the
whole line from London to Penzance.
The West Cornwall Railway reversed the order of
the gauges, and is, with the exception of the length
of line, less than 7 miles between Gloucester and Chel-
tenham, already mentioned, the only example of a
Narrow Gauge line that was made a Mixed Gauge for
the purpose of accommodating the Broad Gauge, the
introduction of the Mixed Gauge upon other lines being
the precursor for the abolition of the 7 feet gauge,
230 A History of the Great Western Railway.
The West Cornwall Railway purchased, for ^"80,000,
the Hayle Railway, a company formed as early as
1834, with a capital of ,£20,000, its system being 9^
miles long, and its rolling stock comprising five loco-
motives, six passenger carriages, and one hundred and
nineteen trucks, waggons, etc., besides two stationary
engines to work the inclined planes of i in 91. The
Hayle Company made no profit, but formed branch
lines to the various mines for the accommodation of the
mine owners, who were also the shareholders of the
railway company. It was at first only a mineral line,
but the great success of the Manchester and Liverpool
Railway in the carrying of passengers caused the
Directors of this West County Railway to have a coach
for passengers linked at the rear of the mineral trucks.
The train took i hour to cover the 9^ miles
from Redruth to Hayle.
The West Cornwall Railway was formed in 1844,
and applied for their Act in 1845. The Board of
Trade reported in favour of it. The usual result
followed, the Bill being thrown out. The lines pro-
posed to be constructed were two, one at each end of
the Hayle Railway, and both single track, in all 22
miles 6 furlongs in length, and was to be worked
partly by locomotives and partly by atmospheric
power. The n^ miles from Truro to Redruth were
to be worked by the latter system. The whole
line was estimated to cost only p£ 180,000. In the
next year's Bill the capital was increased to ,£500,000,
and the Act was obtained on 3d August 1846 to
construct a Broad Gauge line from Truro Quay to
Penzance, with a branch to the Truro Station of
the Cornwall Railway Company ; but the Cornwall
Company delayed the construction of their line for
so long, that in 1850 an Act was obtained to allow
the West Cornwall to construct their line on the
Narrow Gauge, and the construction of the West
Cornwall Railway was then commenced. This Act
had a clause requiring either the West Cornwall Rail-
The Cornwall Railway. 231
way to alter their gauge when the Cornwall line
joined it at Truro, or to lay down a third rail for the
accommodation of the Broad Gauge. This third rail
completed a continuous Broad Gauge railway from
London to Penzance. The Narrow Gauge line was
still used for local mineral and timber traffic between
Penzance and Truro. The trucks used for this traffic
were of small size and of peculiar design, the axles of
the rear and leading wheels being so close together
that only a few inches separated their tyres. When
the whole line was converted to the Narrow Gauge,
these trucks were lettered, ' not to run east of Truro,'
so that these are still only used for local traffic, and
unless the curious reader makes a journey west of
Truro, he is not likely to see these old time vehicles.
The Broad Gauge branch from St Erth to St
Ives was not opened for many years after, although
the construction of it was proposed as early as 1844.
From the ist August 1878, the West Cornwall
Railway became part of the Great Western Rail-
way system, as also did various mineral branches
which abound in the district, those in connection
with the West Cornwall Railway being Broad Gauge
and those connected with the Cornwall Minerals
Railway being of the Narrow Gauge.
Par is the junction for the Cornwall mineral lines,
the loop from that station to St Blazey, the junction
on the Cornwall Minerals Railway being a double line,
although the distance is less than half a mile, but
it is nevertheless remarkable as, until a few months
back, being the only length of double line in Corn-
wall except the crossings. The Cornwall Minerals
Railway was formed in 1873, and consists of 47
miles of line running from Fowey, on the South
Coast, to Newquay on the north, with numerous
branches to the various mines and china clay works,
some of which are very extensive. The streams of
water in this part of Cornwall are mostly quite
white through the china clay, which seems very
232 A History of the Great Western Railway,
plentiful, and we begin to fancy we have at length
come ' to a land flowing with milk ; ' but the china
clay industry is accountable for this whiteness. The
water is used for washing the clay, most of which
falls to the bottom, and is collected, while enough
to discolour the water and make it milk white is
carried off by the streams. The Cornwall Minerals
Railway consisted of a number of private and semi-
private lines connecting the various tin mines, china
clay works, etc., with Newquay on the north and
Fowey on the south, and so provided means of ship-
ping the produce to its destination. The line from
East Wheal Rose Mine to Newquay was the pro-
perty of Mr Treefry, and its opening, on 28th January
1849, is thus described :—' The Newquay Viaduct
was opened by Mr J. T. Treefry riding over it, and
afterwards sending his loaded waggons across with
supplies for the line beyond it. At a later period of
the day barley was sent over it for shipment at
Newquay. The viaduct, an exceedingly light yet
very strong structure, is 98 feet high from the base
of the piers, and 630 feet long.'
We therefore see that when first constructed the
Cornwall Minerals Railway was purely a mineral
line, but since it did not answer as such, from ist
July 1877 the Great Western Railway took over
the system on lease for 999 years at a rental of
^"18,800 a year, payable half yearly. Most of the
trucks used for conveyance of china clay are the
original ones belonging to the Minerals Railway.
They are constructed of iron, and are less than 1 1
feet 6 inches in length over the buffers, and carry
10 tons each. Many of the gradients on the line
are very severe, from St Blazey to Bridges it is i
in 34, and between Victoria and St Denis Junction
i in 39, other sections vary between 46 and 73.
Near Newquay is a branch, at present not worked,
to Newlyn, the gradients of which are so severe
that the engines are not allowed to take more than
The Cornwall Railway. 233
eight loaded vehicles including brakes. Slate is so
plentiful in this district that on parts of the line
immense slabs of it are used to fence the railway.
At Newquay the line crosses the public street twice
by an S curve, to enable it to approach the harbour,
which is reached by a very steep descent through
a short tunnel. The trucks are let down and pulled
up on this part of the line by means of a wire rope
and a stationary steam winding engine with two
locomotive boilers, each with a smaller one on top
for a steam reservoir, and resembling somewhat in
appearance the engine lately introduced on the
Paris, Lyons and Mediterranean Railway ; only
one loaded and one empty truck are allowed to be
pulled up or let down at the same time. China
clay is shipped at Newquay, and -the ships unload
coal for the mines. Having described the Great
Western trunk line, we will reserve for another
chapter the particulars of the most important branch
of the Broad Gauge — the South Wales Railway.
CHAPTER XVII.
THE SOUTH WALES RAILWAY.
IN 1844, the Great Western Railway revived the
proposition of constructing a railway from Stonehouse,
across the Severn, along its western bank, through
Chepstow, Newport, Cardiff, Swansea and Car-
marthen, with a branch right and left, one to Milford
Haven and the other to Fishguard, from whence a
service of steamers were to run to Waterford. The
following were the lines proposed to be constructed :—
Miles. Chains.
The main line, from Standish to -Fishguard, 162 o
Pembroke Branch, . . . . 19 32
Newport to Monmouth, . . . 22 35
Forest of Dean, ....70
In connection with these lines were the
Monmouth and Hereford Railway, from
Hereford to Gloucester, . . 32 15
Monmouth Branch, . . . 8 20
Forest of Dean, . . . . 4 26
Total, . 255 48
It was proposed to cross the Severn by a bridge
2000 feet long at a horseshoe bend, and to cut a ship
canal across the bend for the passage of large ships ;
the railway would cross this canal by a swing bridge,
so that no inconvenience would result to the naviga-
tion of the river. There would be a tunnel near Swran-
sea 1320 yards long, and another near Kidwelly 1463
yards in length. The total cost of construction was
estimated at ^£2, 800,000, and the 250 miles between
234
The South Wales Railway. 235
London and Fishguard was expected to be covered in
5 hours.
The time taken to-day (fifty years later) to perform
this journey from London to New Milford, 272^ miles,
over exactly the same course — with the substitution of
the Narrow Gauge — is 7 hours 10 minutes, while
other trains take as long as 10 hours 40 minutes to
cover the distance.
The Committee of the House of Commons declared
the preamble of the Bill proved, but the Admiralty
having decided against the bridge across the Severn,
the Chairman said they had come to the following
decision : — ' That, although the preamble of the Bill
is proved, the success of the whole scheme of the
South Wales Railway so entirely depends upon that
part of the work to which the Admiralty object, that
they cannot consent to proceed in the investigation of
a measure which the promoters have not the power of
accomplishing.'
The whole House then discussed the Bill, and
referred it back to the Committee. The Opposition
urged that as it was not now proposed to make a rail-
way according to the preamble, the Bill did not com-
ply with the standing orders, and, therefore, could
not be proceeded with. The preamble was allowed
to be altered, to allow of a line being constructed
from Chepstow to Pembroke, and this received the
royal assent 4th August 1845. ^n their Bill the next
year the South Wales Railway proposed alternative
modes of crossing the Severn, but neither of these
methods was sanctioned, the Admiralty being in
favour of a bridge and the House of Commons of a
tunnel, so that the South Wales Railway had to
avail itself of a clause in another of their Bills and
construct a railway along the Welsh side of the Severn
to Gloucester. This made the distance to London
considerably longer, and, therefore, another line was
projected from Gloucester to Cheltenham, and thence
through Chipping Norton to Oxford.
236 A History of the Great Western Railway.
In 1846, the Great Western Railway agreed to
lease the South Wales Railway in perpetuity, as the
various sections were completed. The construction of
the line was immediately proceeded with, and the
boring of the Hillfield Tunnel caused the good folks of
Newport considerable inconvenience. This tunnel is
200 feet below the surface, and lower than all the
wells supplying the town, so that all the wells ran dry,
and the inhabitants had to obtain a supply of water
from elsewhere at a large expense, so they did not
think the South Wales Railway an unmixed bless-
ing. Mr Brunei was at this time constructing many
timber viaducts on the lines of which he was engineer,
and he did not neglect the South Wales Railway in
this particular, the principal one being that at Landore,
over a mile long and 160 feet high. The original
bridge across the Usk was a wooden one 1200 feet
long, the centre span being 99 feet and the other 70
feet wide.
When this bridge was almost completed, it was,
unfortunately, burnt down, and gave a vivid illustra-
tion of the saw that ' great events from little actions
spring.' On 3ist May 1848, at 6 P.M. the workmen
engaged in completing the central arch, which was on
an immense pile, consisting of several tons weight of
timber and iron bolts, were busy at work driving in
the bolts, when one man used a bolt which had been
heated to an extraordinary degree. This immediately
ignited the adjoining timber, which, being highly
kyanized or " pickled," was as ignitible as gunpowder.
The man had a bucket of water at hand, as was always
usual, but it was useless, for the flames leaped along
on each side from the centre to each end of the bridge,
and the whole extent was instantly in a terrible blaze.
The men with difficulty escaped with their lives. A
team of trams was passing at the time, and the horses,
put to their utmost gallop, were obliged to dash
through the flames to escape. The whole town
rushed to the great stone bridge adjacent, and hundreds
The South Wales Railway. 237
of navvies, carpenters, masons, labourers, tradesmen
and gentlemen were quickly on the spot, but it was of
no avail. The town fire-engines were brought, but
acted with no effect on the awful flames bursting from
the surface of the piles, the rails, the arches, and in
fact wherever the fire could lay hold of wood to burn.
The timber work was so enormous that it took a con-
siderable time to burn any portion wholly away, while
the patent composition used to preserve the wood lent
assistance to the flames, which rose up with blue and
black smoke, filling all the heavens. At about 9 P.M.
the ponderous work of the central arch gave way with
a terrible crash, and soon after this ; portion after
portion fell, until, with the exception of here and
there a solitary black and charred fragment, with some
portion on the banks, the whole o"f this magnificent
work was totally destroyed. The river was black
with burning wood, and the banks became strewed
with enormous pieces of half-burnt wood like the coast
after a wreck. The fire-engine from the barracks did
great execution, worked by two companies of soldiers
under the command of officers, and the town engines
did all they could, but it was a physical impossibility
to save even a fragment ; we might as well suppose a
portion of a barrel of gunpowder could be found after
the ignition of the barrel. The bridge was almost
completed when this unfortunate calamity occurred. It
had been built of kyanized timber by the eminent con-
tractors Messrs Rennie, Logan and Company, and cost
upwards of ^20, ooo in the erection. Fortunately for
the contractors, the terms of their contract with the
railway company necessitated them insuring the
timber bridges during construction, so that the Fire
Insurance Company bore the loss.
Near Llansamlet, between Neath and Swansea,
Mr Brunei introduced a novel method to prevent the
earth, which forms the side of the deep cutting, from
slipping. The usual procedure is to build retaining
walls, but, as these must be very massive and solidly
238 A History of the Great Western Railway.
built, to save expense, Mr Brunei designed four flying
arches over the cutting. The thrust of both sides of
this cutting would be concentrated on the arch of these
bridges, so that they were likely to be forced up at the
crown and so destroyed. To prevent such a contre-
temps, Mr Brunei weighted the centres of the arches
with masses of heavy copper slag, and by this means
the thrust of the arches on the sides of the cutting
balanced the thrust of the cutting on the crown of the
arch, and the purpose in view, viz., the non-erection
of expensive retaining walls, was successfully accom-
plished.
The chef dceuvre of tne South Wales Railway
is the Chepstow Bridge over the Wye, which Mr
Williams, in his interesting work, O^lr Iron Roads,
thus describes : —
WYE BRIDGE.
A tubular bridge has been constructed over the
Wye at Chepstow, on the South Wales Railway, to
which allusion must be made. It consists of four
spans, three of about 100 feet each, and one of 290
feet, extending altogether from bank to bank for 610
feet.
The chief span is a modification of the suspension
principle, the great length of the girders requiring
more support than that afforded by the piers alone at
each extremity. Mr Brunei accordingly contrived
that this should be given by means of a tube 309 feet
in length and 9 in diameter, which, having been raised
to the summit of piers erected on the east bank and in
the centre of the river, is strengthened by massive
chains secured to the girders. These girders are 50
feet above high water mark at spring tides, which here
rise from 50 to 60 feet, being more than any other
river in the kingdom.
In sinking the cylinders to form the piers of the
The South Wales Railway. 239
bridge, the workmen had first to pass through 29 feet
of blue clay and sand, below which they met with a
thin bed of peat containing timber, some solid oak,
hazel-nuts, and other similar substances. They next
came to several feet of fine blue gravel, and then they
reached a bed of boulders, upon which the cylinders
were originally intended to rest. After this was a
bed of red marl, beneath which was solid rock like
millstone grit, and into this the cylinders were sunk.
The mode in which this part of the work was per-
formed was curious. The cylinders were placed on
planks to prevent their cutting into the soft mud.
One by one cylinders were added until they had
reached the top of the stage (about 100 feet in height)
which had been erected for the purpose of sinking
them. The weight of the column- now cut through
the planks, and the cylinder sank about 6 feet into the
mud. Two or three men then descended into it, and,
as they removed the contents, the cylinder continued
to sink, and as it descended fresh cylinders were added
at the top. This process continued without interrup-
tion till a depth of about 17 feet was attained, and
then a spring was tapped, and without a moment's
notice the water broke in from below in such force as
to require the constant action of two 1 3-inch pumps
worked by an engine. A remarkable fact attending
this occurence was, that the spring water invariably
rose in the cylinder exactly at that height to which the
tube was standing in the river at the moment. That
it was not an interruption from the Wye was con-r
sidered to be beyond dispute, inasmuch as the river
at this point, from the action of the tide, was always
heavily tainted with mud, while the water which
rushed into the cylinder from below was of exceeding
purity, and did not contain a particle of salt.'
The first locomotive engine on the South Wales
Railway, named the ' Dove,' and a tender were hauled
from Gloucester on a carriage built purposely, and
drawn by eighteen fine grey horses. Four superior
240 A History of the Great Western Railway.
black horses hauled the tender. The novelty of the
load and the beauty of the teams drew the attention
of a number of people. In August 1849, a committee
of shareholders was appointed, who recommended the
abandonment of the line from Whitland to Fishguard,
and, consequently, this portion of the line was not con-
structed, so that the Irish connection is via Milford.
The Great Western Railway leased the South Wales
Railway as soon as the various sections were opened.
At first a rent of ^46,000 per annum for the whole line
was paid, together with two-thirds of net profit — the
Great Western Railway providing rolling stock. This
arrangement did not, however, work well, and in 1861
a rather serious quarrel arose between the two com-
panies, because the Great Western Railway contended
that the Barlow saddle rail was not suitable for the
traffic, and they renewed it with their ordinary pattern
rail, charging the expenses to renewal of permanent
way, and so reducing the net profit considerably. The
two railways thereupon went to arbitration, and a new
arrangement was entered into, which finally resulted
in the Great Western Railway absorbing the South
Wales Railway into its own system.
The route to South Wales via Gloucester was
from the very first constructed as one necessary from
the force of circumstances, or in other words it was
felt that the direct route should branch from the Great
Western system in the neighbourhood of Bristol, but
the river Severn debarred the physical continuation of
such a direct line. The Bristol and South Wales
Union Railway was therefore formed in 1846, to con-
struct a line, 14^ miles long, from Bristol to New
Passage, thence a steam ferry across the Severn to
Portskewett, which joined the South Wales Railway
by a short branch. This shortened route was not
opened until 1863, and although the distance between
London and Newport and stations below on the South
Wales Railway was thereby shortened by some miles,
the route, save for the local traffic between Bristol and
The South Wales Railway. 241
South Wales, was never popular in consequence of
the ferry. Brunei is incorrectly reported to have pro-
posed ferrying the first-class railway carriages across
to save the passengers the trouble of changing to
and from the steamers. The mistake arose through
an error of a newspaper reporter, who, in giving an
account of a meeting of shareholders of the Bristol
and South Wales Union Railway, held at Bristol on
9th March 1847, attributed such a statement to Mr
Brunei, when, as a fact, he was not present at the
meeting at all.
The observation as to the railway carriages cross-
ing the river was made by one of the Directors, who
said ' He believed that Mr Brunei expected to be able/
etc. The reporter failed to note that it was a Director
speaking, which, together with the omission of the
three words, 'he believed that,' caused the mistake
and led to rather an awkward contretemps a few
months later, when Mr Brunei was under cross-exam-
ination before a Parliamentary Committee.
The Great Western Railway took over this short
connecting line and ferry in 1868, after which the pro-
posals for a Severn Tunnel assumed a practical shape.
Much has been written on this gigantic engineering
undertaking — a gigantic one even for the Great
Western Railway, with its wealth of colossal engineer-
ing achievements. The history of the venture is truly
romantic, and has been delightfully told by the late Mr
Walker, the contractor, in his book.
This is the most modern engineering triumph in
the history of the Great Western Railway, and at
present no other great works in connection with the
Great Western Railway are contemplated, nor indeed
are any such (so far as can be judged) likely again to
occur on its system. If long lines of figures can con-
vey even an approximate idea of the colossal nature of
the engineering feat accomplished by the triumphant
construction of this subaqueous tunnel, we will, before
giving an outline of the trials and difficulties which
Q
242 A History of the Great Western Railway.
were so successfully overcome in the construction of
the Severn Tunnel, present to our readers' notice the
following: — 3100 men employed in its construction,
76,400,000 bricks used to line it, 36,794 tons of Port-
land cement used in setting the bricks, 250 tons of
explosives used to blast the rock, 30,000,000 gallons of
water pumped per day, and 23,000,000 gallons of
water the average quantity pumped daily during con-
struction.
The tunnel beneath the Severn was not th'e first
proposal of the Great Western Railway as a means of
obtaining a shorter route to South Wales, the original
idea being a bridge at Chepstow, an Act for which was
duly obtained. The plans for the tunnel were adopted
in 1871, and next year an Act of Parliament author-
ising its construction was obtained, and the necessary
works were commenced in 1873. At this time there
was not a single house at Sudbrook — the head-
quarters of the Tunnel Works — but when operations
were commenced a small office and six cottages were
erected, and a temporary line laid down to Portskewett
Station. Little progress was made in the construction
of the tunnel, and in 1877 the Great Western Railway
advertised for tenders. Only three firms tendered,
and as the Directors considered them all too high,
they determined to proceed with the tunnel themselves ;
but the progress was still very slow, for by i8th
October 1879 only 130 yards of a tunnel 7 feet in
diameter had been constructed on the Welsh side,
when an underground spring of water was unex-
pectedly tapped, and the whole works were completely
flooded. This accident caused another change in the
Directors' plans, and they now determined to accept,
with slight modifications, the tender of Mr T. A.
Walker, one of the three previously mentioned. Mr
Walker commenced operations on i8th December
1879. The specification stated that the tunnel was to
be 7942 yards in length, and the railway through the
tunnel and the connecting lines 7 miles 5 furlongs
The South Wales Railway. 243
long. It was to be lined throughout with brickwork,
2 feet 3 inches thick, with a brick invert for half the
way through the tunnel. The permanent way was to
be sleepered, and the rails to weigh 86 Ibs. per yard.
Afterwards it was decided to increase the brick lining
to 3 feet in thickness, and to have an invert the whole
length of the tunnel, to lay it with the famed longi-
tudinal sleepers and Great Western bridge rails, 68 Ibs.
to the yard. The lowest level of the tunnel in the
centre of the river was also increased by 15 feet, and
.the line fell from the Welsh side by a continuing
gradient of i in 100, and on the English side i in 90.
A considerable part of the roof of the tunnel had al-
ready been bricked in before the decision to alter the
level was arrived at, and Mr Walker adopted a novel
and successful plan to utilise the brickwork already
executed. This he supported, and then built under it
continuing side walls down to the new level, and the
invert under this.
The colossal new pump provided to drain the
tunnel burst on 2d July 1880, and the works were
again completely flooded. The Great Western Rail-
way provided another new pump of immense power,
which was got to work on i2th October 1880. But,
despite the millions of gallons of water pumped from
the tunnel daily, the workings could not be emptied of
water, so a diver was sent to shut a sluice door in the
middle of the tunnel, his instructions being to turn
the screw governing the sluice a certain number of
times one way. After several exciting attempts he
reached the sluice and carried out his instructions, but
to the surprise of everyone this made no difference in
the amount of water to be dealt with. Some time
after, when the water had been lowered sufficiently to
allow of the sluice being visited, the door was found
wide open, but the mystery was explained. It was
found that the screw controlling the door was a left-
handed one instead of a right-handed one, as it was
believed to be, so that when Lambert, the diver,
244 A History of the Great Western Railway.
turned the screw the number of times as directed, he
really opened the sluice wider instead of shutting it, as
he would have done had it been a right-handed screw.
Upon another occasion this intrepid diver, when in
the water, was drawn by the power of the pump
against the wind box of the suction pipe, and it re-
quired the united efforts of three men to haul him out
of this dangerous position.
The work was further delayed by a strike of the
men in May 1881, but this was of short duration, and
for some time the work progressed in a satisfactory .
manner until the junction of the two headings was suc-
cessfully accomplished at 10 o'clock on the night of
26th September 1883. Everything now seemed to
point to a speedy conclusion of the great undertaking,
when, on loth October 1883, the spring again broke
out and flooded the whole tunnel. Efforts were im-
mediately taken to obtain the mastery of the water,
and with success, but the liquid element was hard to
conquer, for when the subterranean spring had thus
been finally vanquished, on the i7th October 1883,
an immense tidal wave swept the Severn, broke down
the river wall built to protect the land from the effect
of these waves, which are the highest in Europe, for
as far up the Severn as its junction with the Wye the
normal rise of the tide is 50 feet.
Such an inundation was totally unexpected, the
water rushed down the shaft and imprisoned the
men, who retreated before it to the highest point in
the tunnel, and their lives were saved by the natural
law, which prevented the water rising further in
consequence of the resistance of the air which had
been driven by the inrush of the water to this spot,
and as it had no outlet it resisted the advance of the
water, and the men were consequently saved from a
watery grave.
This was the last of the series of untoward events
that retarded the completion of this mammoth work,
and by the 5th of September 1885 the tunnel was far
The So^ttk Wales Railway. 245
enough advanced to allow of a special train, convey-
ing the late Sir D. Gooch, to pass through from Eng-
land to Wales, 50 feet under the bed of the river, and
145 feet below the level of high water spring tides.
The line was opened for goods traffic on ist Septem-
ber 1886, and for passenger trains on ist December
of the same year, while the regular service of pas-
senger trains between London and South Wales
via the Severn Tunnel was inaugurated ist July
1889. Such is the history of this remarkable triumph
of subaqueous tunnelling.
CHAPTER XVIII.
THE EARLY CONVERSIONS FROM BROAD TO
NARROW GAUGE.
THE great scarcity of money in the early fifties, and
the reaction that had set in against railway invest-
ments, together caused the stocks of the Great Western
Railway and its Broad Gauge allies to be at consider-
able discounts, so that it was at that time useless to
propose further extension of the Broad Gauge lines
towards Liverpool, Manchester, and York, as were
originally intended, while the principle of the Mixed
Gauge, having been settled in the West Midland and
Midland district, and all the through traffic from the
North and North West being of necessity conveyed
by Narrow Gauge until it reached the Mixed Gauge,
over which lines, as a matter of convenience, it was
conveyed as far as possible in Narrow Gauge vehicles.
It will therefore be readily understood that under these
circumstances the Broad Gauge traffic over the Mixed
Gauge system was principally of a local character, the
remainder for Broad Gauge destinations being of but
small volume, so that, although both gauges were pro-
vided, the Broad Gauge was little used, and the in-
creasing demand for Narrow Gauge accommodation
on the Mixed Gauge had a tendency to cause the
remaining Broad Gauge traffic to be still less catered
for, so that the traffic was in a measure forced into the
Narrow Gauge ; for which traffic the management
were providing ample accommodation.
The alteration of the gauge on the Oxford and
Birmingham line presents a curious problem to the
246
Early Conversions from Broad to Narrow Gauge. 247
student who endeavours to fathom and account for
the peculiar phase of human incongruity exhibited by
the Great Western Railway Directors in connection
with this section of their system.
The most important fight between the 7 feet and 4
feet 8|- inch rivals, indeed the Battle of the Gauges
was fought over this line, and after each side had done
its very utmost, the result was a complete triumph for
the sesquipedalians, who thereby gained admittance
to Birmingham and Wolverhampton — the very centre
of the London and North Western preserves, while
the victory also gave the Great Western means of
competing with its rival the Midland, which had, by
obtaining the railway from Birmingham to Bristol,
entered into direct conflict with the Great Western
Railway. The Broad Gauge lines", therefore, had at
this time all the advantages they could desire to
enable them to compete for the traffic between the
North Western districts and London, and the West
and South of England, yet it was on this very section,
after so fierce a fight, and a victory so hardly gained,
that the retrograde movement was first inaugurated.
Nations and individuals speak proudly of any hard-
earned advantage they have gained, and talk of dying
to defend such privileges rather than surrender them ;
but with the Broad Gauge lines tout cela change1, for
the whole advantage of the Battle of the Gauges was
quietly surrendered ; for after exactly nine years' ex-
perience of the Broad Gauge to Birmingham, the 7
feet gauge trains were withdrawn and the Narrow
Gauge ones only were to be found North of Oxford.
In August 1859, the Oxford and Worcester and
Wolverhampton Railway obtained Parliamentary sanc-
tion to abandon the Broad Gauge on its system, and to
use the capital raised for Broad Gauge purposes to
extend Narrow Gauge branches ; this alteration of
gauge was speedily carried out. In 1860 the various
lines, 217 miles in length, constructed in connection
with the Oxford, Worcester and Wolverhampton Rail-
248 A History of the Great Western Railway.
way, were amalgamated and called the West Midland
Railway, and on ist July 1861 the Great Western
Railway leased the West Midland Railway for a term
of 999 years. This lease provided for ' the Narrow
Gauge to be laid down between Reading and Padding-
ton, and from the junction near Bull's Bridge to
Brentford, with all reasonable despatch, so as, if possible,
to be ready for the reception of Narrow Gauge traffic
on the opening of the Worcester and Hereford and
Severn Valley. On and after the opening of the
Narrow Gauge to London, through and express trains
are to be worked over the two systems, so as to
thoroughly develop the traffic, as if they were one
system.'
In 1 86 1 the Wycombe Railway obtained an Act to
construct a branch from Princes Risborough to Ayles-
bury, a distance of 7 miles, which was constructed and
opened for traffic in about two years. The Wycombe
Railway was amalgamated with the Great Western
Railway on ist February 1867 ; the Aylesbury branch
thus became part of the Great Western system. It
was on this short section that the conversion of gauge
was first undertaken, it taking place in 1868 (this
branch was for two years entirely cut off from the
other parts of the Great Western system, as the main
line of the Wycombe Railway was not converted till
1870).
The next year, 1869, the first important con-
version was made. This was not an alteration of the line
from the Broad to Narrow Gauge, but only consisted
in removing the third rail from the Mixed Gauge lines
North of Oxford. This was immediately followed by
the actual conversion of the line from Grange Court to
Hereford, a line constructed by an independent com-
pany (the Hereford, Ross and Gloucester Railway),
and opened ist June 1855, and with an annual revenue
of about ;£ 1 6,000. At Hereford there was already
a Narrow Gauge line to Worcester, opened in 1861,
which was one of the companies forming the West
Early Conversions from Broad to Narrow Gauge. 249
Midland Railway, and was therefore part of the lines
leased by the Great Western Railway, so that the
narrow gauging of this portion of the line opened a
shorter route to the Western Narrow Gauge portions
of the Great Western system.
The first complete conversion consisted of (A.)
The mixing of the gauge in the extensive Gloucester
Station Yard — a most difficult undertaking, in con-
sequence of all trains arriving at and departing from
a single platform at Gloucester.
(B.) Mixing the gauges from Gloucester to
Grange Court, 22^- miles, at which point the single
Broad Gauge line to Hereford branches off. This
work was successfully carried out, and now the line
had to be closed for the purpose of altering the lines
from the Broad to the Narrow Gauge. To minimise
the inconvenience as much as possible, the Great
Western Railway arranged with Mr Hughes, of
Bayswater, to supply ten omnibuses to convey the
passengers between Hereford and Ross. This
service commenced on Monday, i6th August 1869.
Four hundred and fifty permanent way men were
conveyed in three special trains to Barr's Court
Station on the Saturday, and a train of forty Broad
Gauge covered goods waggons was provided for
the men to sleep in, the vehicles were white-washed
within, and clean straw and new sacks provided for
the men's bedding. A first-class carriage was pro-
vided for the accommodation of the staff. Operations
commenced at 4 A.M. on the Sunday morning, when
an engineer placed flags along the line to mark out
each gang's work for the day. Each gang consisted
of twenty-two men and a ganger. For their use the
company provided a cask of water, a ' devil ' iron
pot, and the requisite fuel for cooking. The men
were paid their usual wages for 9^- hours work in-
stead of 12, the other 2\ hours being paid as over-
time. An additional 1 5d. per day was also paid them
for ration money. By Monday evening the conver-
250 A History of the Great Western Railway.
sion was completed as far as Fawley, and to Ross
on Tuesday night, on Wednesday at 10.30 P.M. the
Narrow Gauge had reached Mitcheldean Road, and
the whole work to Grange Court was completed by
Thursday night, and the next morning a service of
Narrow Gauge trains commenced to run. It had taken
but five days to convert the whole 22^ miles. The work
consisted of withdrawing 3800 bolts in each mile, or
85,500 in all, drilling the same number of holes in
the sleepers and refixing the bolts, and screwing the
nuts up taut, and lifting the rails sideways 27 \ inches.
The metals consisted of four kinds, and different tools
were required to deal with each class, so that caused
additional labour and preparation.
All the conversion was not carried out on one
side of the line, as of necessity, when stations were
on opposite sides of the line, the rail further from
the platform was the one which had to be shifted.
This caused the changing of sides three times during
the operation. A mile and a half of the work was
done in tunnels, and this naturally added to the
difficulty of the undertaking. The officials were
extremely pleased with the behaviour of the men,
who never took their clothes off the whole time,
and during the five days only had 3|- hours rest
each night, 20^ hours of every 24 being either spent
in working, getting to work, or by short stops for
meals. On the Wednesday night the men were so
tired that they preferred to camp out at the spot
where they were working rather than return to the
sleeping train at Grange Courfe
Thus was the first complete change of gauge
carried out on the Great Western Railway, and,
alas, this was but the beginning of a retrogressive
policy, and as is usual after the accomplishment of
a first bad action, to stifle reproach, the evil ways
are persevered in and still further injustice is done
to the whole system.
So was it with the conversion of the gauge on
Early Conversions from Broad to Narrow Gauge. 251
the Great Western Railway. A new generation of
officials had arisen who were not knit closely to-
gether by that esprit de corps begotten of a deter-
mination to succeed and overcome all opposition,
which spirit had been so noticeable in the original
band of Great Western Railway pioneers who
had fought so many long and resolute battles for
the grand 7 feet gauge. Therefore, having once
commenced the alteration of the gauge, other con-
versions soon followed. The table below gives
particulars in chronological order of the alterations
in gauge.
Date. Section. Miles.
1868 Princes Risborough to Aylesbury, . . 7
1869 Grange Court (Gloucester) to Hereford, . 22^-
1869 Oxford to Wolverhampton, with Stratford
and Great Bridge branches, . . 89!
1869 Reading to Basingstoke, . . . . 16
1870 Maidenhead to Oxford, . . . . 37
1871 West Drayton to Uxbridge, ... z\
1871 Whitland to Carmarthen, . . . 13!
1872 Swindon to Milford, with all branches, . 239^
1872 Vale of Neath, Merthyr Tyd vil branch, and
Grange Court to Cheltenham, . . 6o|
1872 Radley to Abingdon, .... 2
1872 Didcot to Oxford, . . . . . io£
1873 Bristol and South Wales Union, . . 12
1874 Thingley Junction to Dorchester, West-
bury to Salisbury, Barthampton to
Bradford Junction, North Somerset
Junction (Bristol) to Frome, Reading
to Holt, with Marlborough and other
branches, . . . . . . 1974:
1874 Dorchester to Weymouth, . . . 6£
1874 Southcote Junction to Reading, . . if
1875 Southall to Brentford, .... 4
1876 Twyford to Henley-on-Thames . . 4^
1878 Uffington to Farringdon, . .
1880 Yatton to Clevedon, ....
1880 Durston to Penn Mill (Yeovil), . . 20^
1881 Norton Fitzwarren to Barnstaple, . . 42
1882 Norton Fitzwarren to Minehead, . . 22
1884 Tiverton Junction to Tiverton, . . 4
1891 Creech Junction to Chard, . . . 12
252 A History of the Great Western Railway.
Date. Section. Miles.
1892 Penzance to Truro (Mixed Gauge line), . 27
1892 Truro to Exeter, ..... xoo
1892 St Erth to St Ives, Truro to Falmouth,
Burngallow to Drinnick Mill, Plymouth
to Tavistock (Mixed Gauge), Tavistock
to Launceston, Laira to Sutton Har-
bour, Totnes and Totnes Quay to Ash-
burton, Churston to Brixham, Newton
Abbot to Kingswear, Newton Abbot
to Moretonhampstead, . . .
The Devon and Somerset Railway (Norton Fitz-
warren to Barnstaple), 42^ miles long, had a very
short existence as a Broad Gauge line ; it was only
opened in November 1873, and converted in May
1 88 1. There must have been something radically
wrong in its management to allow of such a gigantic
blunder being perpetrated. If it were necessary to build
the railway Broad Gauge in 1873, why had it become
necessary to alter its gauge seven and a half years later,
while the line from which it branched remained the
Broad Gauge until the final conversion in May 1892 ?
With such management it will not be surprising
to learn, that of the entire capital raised on behalf of
the Devon and Somerset Railway, amounting to some
,£1,390,000, considerably over one-third, or £512,000,
represents arrears of debenture interest capitalised.
Even when the gauge of this line was altered, the
Great Western Railway gave it no better service, and
at the present time, with a difference of 3 miles in favour
of the Great Western Railway route between London
and Barnstaple, the best train on the London and
South Western Railway, over a very much harder
line, performs the journey in 25 minutes less time than
the Great Western Railway's quickest train, thus,—
London and South Western Railway, 210^ miles ;
quickest train, 5 hours 30 minutes. Great Western
Railway, 207 j- miles ; quickest train, 5 hours 55
minutes.
The Devon and Somerset Railway is now worked
Early Conversions from Broad to Narrow Gauge. 253
and maintained by the Great Western Railway for
50 per cent, of the receipts. The agreement, which
is perpetual, was entered into with the Bristol and
Exeter Railway, and was made binding on the Great
Western Railway by the Great Western and Bristol
and Exeter Amalgamation Act, 1876.
CHAPTER XIX.
THE LATER DEVELOPMENT OF THE RAILWAY.
IN 1854, the Temple Meads joint station was laid
down with Narrow Guage lines for the accommodation
of the Midland Railway, who had in 1844 chained an
entrance to Bristol by absorbing the Bristol and Glou-
cester Railway, then Broad Gauge, but soon after
narrowed by the Midland. But two years earlier
the Broad Gauge route to Birmingham had been
opened by the completion of the line from Fenny
Compton. The Great Western trains reached Bir-
mingham in the same time as the London and
North Western, although the route was 16 miles
longer than the rival London and North Western.
In July of the following year the Great Western
and its Broad Gauge allies sustained a great loss
by the retirement from the chairmanship of Mr C.
Russell, M.P. for Reading, and who had so ably
forwarded the fortune of the 7 feet gauge by his
energetic Parliamentary action, and the great personal
interest he took in the details of the railway he had
presided over for sixteen years. At this time the half-
yearly meetings of shareholders used to be held alter-
nately at London and Bristol, but for many years now
past they have been all held in London.
The Great Western Railway shareholders were
considerably agitated in 1856 as to the connection
of Mr Gooch and other of their officials with the
Ruabon Coal Company, and although full explana-
tions were given at the time, the matter smouldered
254
The Later Development of tke Railway. 255
for many years, and when nothing of sufficient im-
portance could be discovered with which to find
fault, the grumblers promptly trotted out this ' old
man of the sea.' We therefore extract from Sir D.
Gooch's diaries the following lucid explanation of the
whole matter : — ' It had been found impossible to
get a regular coal trade on our line, and I proposed
to my company to have some collieries of their own,
and went to Wrexham to look at those belonging to
Mr Henry Robertson, and also some property of Sir
Watkin W. Wynn's, where a colliery might be sunk.
Having obtained the best information I could, I advised
the Directors to buy up Robertson's works, as they were
in operation and could be made available for our pur-
pose at once. This was finally agreed upon by the
Directors, and the price settled, but at this time a
decision in regard to a similar plan in operation on the
Eastern Counties Railway showed it not to be within
the powers of the company, and stopped our plan. Mr
Walpole, our Chairman, then asked me if I could find
private parties to form a company, and enter into an
agreement with the Great Western Company to send
a large fixed quantity of coal over their line. This I
agreed to do, and took a large stake in the coal com-
pany myself, and was to be the chairman. Feeling
that this might conflict with my position as an officer
of the railway company, I placed my resignation in the
hands of Mr Walpole, but he and the Directors did not
think it right to accept it. I, however, left it in their
hands to accept at any time, should circumstances make
it desirable.
' I felt there were interests in the coal trade amongst
the shareholders of the railway who would no doubt ob-
ject to what had been done, and such proved to be the
case. Some parties went to the Court of Chancery to
put an end to the agreement. In this they failed, and
the Court expressed themselves strongly that what had
been done was perfectly legal and right. I thus got a
great deal of abuse by trying to do a good turn to the
256 A History of the Great Western Railway.
shareholders of the railway, and risking a good deal of
money in doing so.'
The question of railway rates has been one which
has exercised the traders on one hand, and railway
officials and shareholders on the other, for very many
years. As long ago as 1858 the Great Western ran
amuck of its customers with regard to the legality of
their charges for goods carriage, and in that year the
railway introduced a Bill to Parliament to obtain a
better definition of their powers, but the Bill was with-
drawn, and again in 1881-82, when the celebrated Com-
mission on railway rates was sitting, it was Mr Grier-
son, the late general manager of the Great Western
Railway, who was the principal witness tendered by the
associated railways, thus showing they considered the
Great Western Railway to be the principal line. Some
very interesting figures were given, in evidence as to
the amount of traffic dealt with by the Great Western
Railway in twelve months at some of their stations.
London was accredited with 657,000 tons (Padding-
ton, 513,000 tons, and Smithfield 144,000 tons) ; Bristol,
495,000 tons; Birmingham, 250,000 tons; Bilston,
120,000 tons; Bath, 51,000 tons; and Evesham,
22,000 tons.
Mr Grierson died in October 1887, after being con-
nected with the Broad Gauge railways for very many
years. In May 1861, the Great Western Railway, upon
the advice of Mr D. Gooch, put down plant at Swindon
Works, for the purpose of making their own rails, at a
cost of ,£25,000, but in 1878 the making of rails at
Swindon was discontinued.
In 1853 a railway was incorporated as the North
Metropolitan, the next year a new Act was obtained,
and the title changed to the Metropolitan. This
authorized the construction of a railway from the Great
Western Railway at Paddington to the General Post
Office ; powers were afterwards obtained to allow the
City terminus to be in Farringdon Street instead of
the Post Office. The Great Western Railway sub-
The Later Development of the Railway. 257
scribed ,£175,000 of the capital, and for the con-
venience of that company's through traffic the
Metropolitan was laid out on the Mixed Gauge, and
when it was first opened it was worked on the Broad
Gauge only, by the Great Western Railway — a most
sensible arrangement, and one which ought never to
have been relinquished, seeing how well adapted the
wider vehicles are for conveying the immense crowds
that travel by every train on this line. With Broad
Gauge vehicles each train could seat 152 more pas-
sengers, or nearly 40,000 additional passengers could
be properly conveyed every day on this line without
any increase of expense. But the wonderful wisdom
of the advocates of the ' Coal Waggon Gauge ' lost
London the great boon of having the most important
of its local lines Broad Gauge.
The Act of Incorporation specially provided that the
line was to be worked without annoyance from steam
or fire. At first it was proposed to heat the water
by means .of red-hot bricks placed round the boiler,
and an eminent engineer designed such a locomotive,
which was built by a Newcastle firm ; but after ^4000
had been expended in experimenting with this ' hot-
brick engine ' it was given up as a failure, as the ex-
periments that were made conclusively proved that
the bricks would have required replacing by fresh
ones at nearly every station, so soon would they have
cooled. But Mr D. Gooch was, as usual, in the van
of locomotive improvements, and in 1862 he designed
and built suitable tank engines for working this line.
By means of a specially-contrived fire-box and baffle
plate, the engines consumed their own smoke. With
regard to the blast, he fitted these engines with tanks
under the boiler, into which he discharged the waste
steam by reversing a valve at the bottom of the blast
pipe, so that when the engine was in an open cutting
she worked like any other engine ; but when in the
tunnel the blast was stopped, and a good ash-pan
•damper destroyed the blast. For some reason or other
R
258 A History of the Great Western Railway
the Great Western Railway did not appear to try to
work in harmony with the Metropolitan Company, and
raised several difficulties, which did not tend to the
smooth working of the traffic. The Great Western
said it was not possible to work this underground
system with less than 20 minutes' intervals between the
trains ; while the Metropolitan rightly contended that
the trains could safely follow each other with but 5
minutes' intervals. The Great Western Company then
agreed to run trains every quarter of an hour, and
commenced to do so on loth January 1863. At first
the Great Western worked the Metropolitan, as many
lines are now worked, for a percentage of the receipts,
the working Company providing rolling stock and
locomotives and station staff — in fact, everything but
the line and stations. The then Directors of the Great
Western Railway early foresaw that this underground
line was sure to prove a most profitable one, and they
therefore, having subscribed a part of the capital, and
working the line as well, considered that they had the
upper hand of the Metropolitan, and thought by
putting pressure on them they would be enabled to
get complete control of the line and absorb it into
their own system ; so acting on the advice of Sir
Robert Baxter, their Parliamentary counsel, the Great
Western gave the Metropolitan three months' notice
that they would cease to work the line after 3Oth
October 1863.
The Metropolitan Railway Directors, with com-
mendable promptitude, got Narrow Gauge rolling
stock and locomotives contracted for, to be delivered
by that date. What the Great Western Railway did
next, we are sorry to say, does not in any way tend to
reflect credit on those who then controlled the policy
of that company ; for, to the astonishment of the
Metropolitan Directors, they received notice from the
Great Western Railway stating that their trains would
cease to run over the Metropolitan lines after 9th
August 1863. The second notice was only given on
The Later Development of the Railway. 259
the ist of August, and doubtless the majority of the
then Great Western Directors thought by this coup
the Metropolitan would be entirely at their mercy,
and that the smaller line would be obliged to accept
their terms of compromise, as not only were the trains
to be withdrawn, but the Great Western threatened
to withdraw the staff at all the stations as well, who
were, of course, their servants. In justice to the
then Great Western Board, we mention that this
latter threat they did not carry out ; had they done
so, there is little doubt that the Metropolitan would
have been paralyzed for a time at least. Our readers
will perhaps think that there must have been some
error in the agreement, which allowed the Great
Western to act in this arbitrary manner, and so there
was, for neither of the railway companies had affixed
their seals to the working agreement, which was there-
fore of no more value than waste paper, and was bind-
ing on neither company.
This startling difficulty was, however, most suc-
cessfully met by the energy and resource of Mr (now
Sir) Myles Fenton, the then manager of the Metro-
politan Company, who, at a few hours' notice, ar-
ranged for an emergency service of Narrow Gauge
trains to commence running between Bishop's Road
and Farringdon Street on the morning of loth August.
This he did by borrowing the passenger carriages from
the London and North Western, and the locomotives
from the Great Northern Railway. These latter were
old main line tender engines, and were not adapted for
working the traffic ; but in cases like these, the maxim,
' If one cannot get what one wants one must take
what one can get,' is a most useful one.
Sir Myles Fenton gave the writer a vivid account
of these preparations. For the whole nine nights
between the date of the Great Western notice and the
commencement of the Narrow Gauge trains he never
had his clothes off, nor slept in a bed, but snatched an
hour or so of repose in his office chair, as opportunity
260 A History of the Great Western Railway.
offered. The difficulty was to provide some kind of
condensing apparatus on the Great Northern tender
engines, it being necessary to use flexible connecting
pipes between the engine and tender, strong enough
to withstand the steam' pressure ; but Mr Sturrock,
the then locomotive superintendent of the Great Nor-
thern Railway (to which line he came from the Great
Western Railway), just two days before the Narrow
Gauge service was to commence, was successful
o
enough to contrive the necessary flexible pipes by
which the exhaust steam was conveyed from the en-
gine to the water tank of the tender, but these pipes
very frequently burst, and all concerned were far from
sorry when the proper engines were delivered.
Every evening, as soon as the Great Western
service of trains for the day was over, the anxious
officials were experimenting with the Great Northern
tender engines, which experiments were carried on
until the next morning's service commenced. This
introduction of the Narrow Gauge on the Metro-
politan was certainly made under rather inauspi-
cious circumstances, for the Great Northern engine
of almost the first train ran off the line soon after
leaving Bishop's Road ; while once during the day
both an up and down train were off the lines at the
same time at the Gower Street Station. In all, six
trains ran off the line on this fateful loth August.
The reason for these derailments was not hard to
find. On a line like the Metropolitan, the permanent
way can only be attended to at night after the traffic
is over, and while the line was worked Broad Gauge
only, no attention was given to the packing of the middle
rail, so that it was not properly ballasted, and therefore
spread out when the trains went over it. Naturally
these contretemps disorganised the service during the
whole of the day. In fact, so alarming wTere the
rumours of accidents to the Narrow Gauge trains,
that at some of the stations the booking-clerks refused
to issue tickets for a time. Luckily, the trains were
The Later Development of the Railway. 261
soon got on the line again, and in a few days the
service was working as regularly as if no sudden
alterations had been made. Had the connecting
line between the Great Northern and Metropolitan
Railway at King's Cross, by which the Narrow Gauge
rolling stock and locomotives gained access to the
Metropolitan system, been in a less forward condition
when the Great Western Railway so suddenly refused
to work the underground trains, London would have
been deprived of this newly-inaugurated means of
conveyance which had already obtained an immense
amount of public favour, and all because the Great
Western officials were not allowed to do just as they
liked with the Metropolitan Railway.
The remarkable acuteness of Sir Myles Fenton at
this critical time secured the complete independence
of the Metropolitan Railway, and the Great WTestern
were repaid their ^175,000 as soon as possible. The
great tax of these nine busy days and nights told on
Sir Myles Fenton, for after all was arranged the
reaction came, and he was seriously ill for a month
after.
The Metropolitan Directors at their next meeting
passed a hearty vote of thanks to their energetic
General Manager for the clever way in which he had
overcome what threatened to be a serious episode in
the history of their railway, and handsomely recog-
nised his services at this critical period of the under-
taking.
The Great Western Narrow Gauge engines built
in later years for the Metropolitan traffic, and which
are still working, are yet unequalled for quickly obtain-
ing a good rate of speed and for sharp stopping, con-
taining, as they do, all the requisites of good tank
engines, and are eminently suited for the class of work,
in addition to which their handsome exterior, with the
profusion of bright brass work, at once marks them
out for general admiration, especially when compared
with the dingy monsters of other companies using the
262 A History of the Great Western Railway.
underground. A cab for the men's protection would
be a great improvement to these Great Western
engines. Having said so much in favour of the Great
Western .Narrow Gauge Metropolitan tanks, we are
sorry we cannot say the same for the rolling stock
that until recently formed the middle circle trains.
It seemed as if the Great Western wished to give the
London public a daily object lesson of the superiority
of the Broad Gauge so far as passenger vehicles were
concerned, and for this purpose provided some of the
worst Narrow Gauge coaches possible, they were but
7 feet wide, and although the third-class ones were not
labelled ' to seat five a side/ yet this being the usual
number, five people usually squeezed on each side,
with the result of general discomfort and mutual
recrimination as to taking more than one's share of the
allotted space ; to meet the Government recfbire-
ments these vehicles should have been 7 feet 6 inches
wide. There was a space of but 18 inches between
the seats, so that the passengers generally, and long-
limbed ones in particular, had great difficulty in
properly disposing of their legs. Unhappily placed
was the individual (and his fellow-travellers also)
who wished to alight from a seat near the off side in
a full vehicle of this description.
The extension of the Metropolitan system to
Hammersmith for some years after it was opened,
was a source of considerable delay to the Great
Western trains, as the two railways crossed one
another on the level between Bishop's Road and
Westbourne Park Stations, and as the Metropolitan
trains amounted to sixteen an hour, the inconveni-
ence was very great. To prevent these delays the
Hammersmith line was diverted, and made to pass
under the Great Western lines, so that the working of
the services do not now interfere with each other.
The Great Western Railway has recently provided
very superior vehicles for their services on the Metro-
politan system, and these trains are quite equal to any
The Later Development of the Railway. 263
other third-class ones now in use. A noticeable part
of their construction is the long wheel base of the
third-class brake carriages, these vehicles having five
wide passenger compartments and a guards' compart-
ment ; quite equal to the six compartments, and yet
only have four wheels. There must therefore be a great
strain on the axles, and it would appear to be unadvis-
able to run such vehicles at high speed. The Great
Western Railway has also further augmented their
Metropolitan services, by running trains from Aid-
gate to Hammersmith and Richmond in addition to
the middle circle trains, and during the rebuilding of
Moorgate Street Station the Great Western main
line trains from the Metropolitan Railway also arrive
and depart from Aldgate.
Upon the resignation of Mr Saunders in 1863, the
dual office of secretary and general superintendent,
which he had filled, were made two distinct positions.
To show how completely the Great Western kept
aloof from its Narrow Gauge neighbours, at this time
(1863) it was only connected with the London and
South Western at Yeovil by a line then recently opened,
and with the London and North Western at Oxford,
Banbury and Leamington.
In September 1864 Mr D. Gooch retired from
the Great Western Railway after twenty-seven years
service, and Mr Armstrong was appointed locomotive
superintendent, which position the latter held until his
death in June 1877.
When it became known that Mr Gooch had deter-
mined to retire, the officers and servants of the rail-
way made preparations to present him with an address,
and Mrs Gooch with a present. The presentations took
place at Swindon, on 3d June 1865, and Mr Gooch
thus feelingly alludes to the occasion : — ' I hope those
who succeed me will value that address more than any-
thing I can leave behind me, and also preserve the
brooch and earrings as heirlooms in the family for ever.
Man can receive no higher reward on earth than that
264 A History of the Great Western Railway.
of the goodwill and esteem of those with whom he has
been associated through life, and my life has been
passed in daily communication, both as master and
brother officer, with those who gave expression to
their feelings on this occasion. I count this 3d of
June as the brightest day in my life.'
1865 saw the completion of the Broad Gauge to
Milford Haven, and a few years later the Great
Western services of steamboats to the Irish ports were
inaugurated.
The Channel Islands service from Weymouth is
now worked by the Great Western Railway and under
the present improved management is gaining greatly
in public favour.
The advantage of the Weymouth route to the
Channel Islands is the short sea passage, the distance
to Jersey being only 112 miles, against 160 from South-
ampton ; but against this advantage is the long time
spent on the railway journey of 168 miles from London
to Weymouth, while under the old conditions there
was also the inconvenience and expense of a con-
veyance from the railway station to the steamer.
The Great Western could certainly save an hour
in the railway journey to Weymouth. Already there
is one train doing the distance in 4 hours 5 minutes
(which is only 41 J miles an hour), while the boat ex-
press takes 4 hours 55 minutes. If the trains ran via
the Berks and Hants line, the distance would only be
1 60 miles, and the lo-minute refreshment stop at
Swindon would be saved also ; then, the journey ought
to be easily done in 3^ hours.
The service used to be performed six days a week
in each direction during the summer, three times
weekly in the autumn and spring, and but twice a
week during the winter months. The boats used to
be paddle-wheel steamers belonging to the Weymouth
and Channel Islands Steamship Company. These
boats were originally built of wood, but, when repairs
were necessary, iron was used to replace the wood, so
The Later Development of the Railway. 265
that, after many years of this system of repair, the
original fabric disappeared, and the boats became iron
steamships. As long as the steamers belonged to an
independent company, the Great Western Railway
took no pains to develop the traffic.
The last train for Weymouth used to leave
Paddington at 5.45 P.M., and in the summer the
boat left Weymouth at 11.15 P.M., soon after the
train arrived. But the difficulty and danger of
entering Guernsey Harbour except in daylight caused
the departure of the steamer from Weymouth to
be delayed till 2.15 A.M. during the winter, and
so prolonged the time spent en route ; while the
same difficulty at Guernsey made it necessary
for the return voyage to be made in the morning.
For some summers, the Weymouth company's
boats left Jersey at 5 P.M., and were still able to clear
from Guernsey before darkness set in, but this meant
an uncomfortable stay in Weymouth for several hours
in the early morning, while, by the usual day service,
passengers always had to spend a night there. Dur-
ing the latter years of its existence, the steamboat
company only managed to struggle on by the help
afforded by the Great Western Railway, and matters
were hastened to a conclusion by the loss of the
' Brighton,' which struck on the rocks near Guernsey
in the uncertain light of a winter's morning. This
accident .reduced the fleet to two ships, and for the
1887 summer traffic the Great Western Railway as-
sisted with a third boat, the ' Great Western,' one of
their New Milford boats engaged in the Irish service.
We visited Jersey that year, leaving there at 10
A.M. We arrived at WTey mouth about 9 P.M., and,
of course, had to spend the night there. The next
day at Swindon we saw a fellow-passenger, who was
travelling third class, give the officials at that junction
a lesson as to the rights of the third-class passengers.
This passenger left Weymouth about 3.30 P.M.,
arrived at Swindon about 6.15 — this was in the days
266 A History of the Great Western Railway.
before third-class passengers were conveyed by all
trains of the Great Western — and the next up train
from Swindon was the West of England express at
6.42 P.M., due at Paddington at 8.10. By the Great
Western official time-table, third-class passengers from
Weymouth were due at Paddington at 9.40 P.M., while
the next third-class train from Swindon left at 8.20,
and arrived in London at 10.20. The officials told
him he must wait for this train, but he saw a third-
class coach being added to the rear of the express, and
he took his seat in it. The ticket-collector wanted
him to come out, saying, ' the coach was slipped at
Didcot, and it was only for the convenience of pas-
sengers travelling to Birmingham and the Midlands
generally,' but the gentleman refused to leave, and the
station-master was fetched. This official fumed, threat-
ened, and was about to summon help to carry out the
ejectment, when the knowing traveller produced the
Great Western Railway official time-book, showing he
was due at Paddington. at 9.40. This took the station-
master by surprise, and after considering, he said, ' All
right; change from this slip coach at Didcot,' and he
gave instructions that Weymouth line passengers were
in future to be allowed to travel by the slip to Didcot,
and so arrived there before the 5.40 from Swindon,
which used to shunt on the way to allow the express
to pass. So the knowing passenger triumphed, and
arrived in London by the 9.40 P.M.
After the ' Brighton ' struck on the rocks off
Guernsey and foundered, the ' Aquila ' and ' Cygnus,'
the two boats of the Weymouth Company, were fitted
with gear and dials indicating the number of revolu-
tions performed by the paddles, so that the officers
might know something of the ship's position when
ordinary observations were impossible, and so prevent
a similar mishap. When the Great Western took
over the steamers, these two boats were sold, and
one now sails between Plymouth and the Channel
Islands, while the other is used for pleasure excursions
The Later Development of the Railway. 267
at Llandudno. At first the Great Western provided
three large screw steamers, the ' Gazelle,' ' Lynx,' and
' Antelope,' built a passenger station on the landing-
stage at Weymouth, and started a special boat-express
from Paddington at 9.15 P.M., running direct to the
steamer, which left at 2.20 A.M. The sea passage was
accelerated, Guernsey being reached in about 5 hours,
and including the wait to unload cargo there. Jersey
in about 7^ hours. By this means passengers were
landed in Jersey in about 12^ hours, or in less time
than by the London and South Western route. But
swifter boats were again provided by that company,
performing the sea trip to Jersey in about 9^ hours, or
the whole journey under 1 2 hours. The London and
South Western ' Lydia' was, in 1890, the fastest ship
in existence. Upon trial her quickest run was at the
rate of 24^- statute miles per hour, and the average of
four trips 22^- miles an hour. But the Great Western
could not allow of being second in the race, and a new
twin-screw ship, the ' Ibex,' was built, which has, on
several occasions, covered the 82^- miles between
Guernsey and Weymouth in 3^ hours, or an average
speed of 23^- miles an hour for the whole voyage.
By this accelerated service Guernsey was reached in
9j hours, and Jersey in i if hours from London by the
Great Western Railway. •
This summer (1894) excursion tickets were issued by
both routes, available by the boat trains on Saturday
night, to return in 8, 10, 15, or 17 days, at a return
fare of 245. 6d., third class.
With regard to the improvement of the service,
the Great Western (which made the first move) had
the better arrangements — namely, separate steamers
to and from both Guernsey and Jersey, with an in-
dependent vessel for the local traffic between the two
islands, by means of which visitors staying at Jersey
can make a trip to Guernsey and back the same day,
instead of having to spend a night as formerly. But
the London and South Western work their improved
268 A History of the Great Western Railway.
service more economically, by having the same pas-
senger steamer to and from both islands, and a sepa-
rate one for conveying cargo. It was the time taken
en route at Guernsey in loading and unloading cargo
that formerly made the voyage to Jersey so long.
Thus the Great Western advertised the sea passage to
Guernsey as 4^ hours, and Guernsey and Jersey ij-
hours, but the total time en voyage — Weymouth to
Jersey — was not 6 hours, but, including the detention
at Guernsey, 7 to 8 hours.
The Great Western has also given its Jersey
passengers another concession. At low water the
steamers cannot enter the harbour at St Heliers, and
upon such occasions passengers both embarking and
disembarking were put to the expense and incon-
venience of engaging a row-boat to take them to or
from the steamers ; the Great Western now provides
this service gratis.
The tables below show the improvements in the
services this summer : —
1894.
June. Juty'
9.15 P.M.
2.O A.M.
2.IO ,, 2.30 A.M.
7-0 »
8.0 „
9.30 A.M.
10.45 »
3.30 3.15 P.M.
745 P.M.
The up passengers were conveyed from Weymouth
Landing Stage to Swindon by a special train running
as soon after the arrival of the steamers as possible,
from Swindon they travelled to London by the express
due at Paddington at 7.45 P.M.
During the winter months the service, as shown
above for June, has been reverted to.
Paddington,
depart,
9.15 P.M.
Weymouth,
arrive,
2.IO A.M.
Weymouth,
depart,
2.20 ,,
Guernsey, .
arrive,
6-45 u
Jersey,
5 J
9-o »
Jersey,
depart,
8.30 A.M.
Guernsey, .
?»
10.30 „
Weymouth,
arrive,
3.O P.M.
Paddington,
V
7-45 »
K — •
W —
H 2
c
fc
o
p
*
p
o
pq
w
ffi
The Later Development of the Raihvay. 271
While mentioning excursion facilities, it will not be
out of place to notice the arrangements made in the
summer of 1894, whereby passengers could travel every
Saturday to North Wales and spend a week or fort-
night there at very cheap fares. These excursions
are on the same plan as those to the West of England,
which have been popular for so many years.
In February 1874 a most serious collision occurred
in the fog at West Drayton, between the up ' Flying
Dutchman ' (drawn by ' Prometheus ') and a goods train
which was stationary. Had it happened on the
Standard Gauge, the results would have been most
appalling, but thanks to the wide base of the vehicles,
the express never left the line, and only the guard lost
his life in consequence of the tender of his train being
hurled on to the ' cab ' of its locomotive and being
caught by a passing engine and thrown back on a
contingent van.
Our personal reminiscence of this disastrous col-
lision was, at the time, not of a pleasant nature. In
those days the useful postal order had not been in-
vented, and small remittances sent by post were
usually made by means of postage stamps. We had
an uncle who used to keep the feast of St Valentine in
a very practical way, by remitting his nephews at
school, postage stamps on the anniversary of that
saint's day. Our school was situated a few miles from
West Drayton, and instead of the mail bag containing
our letter being safely deposited in the apparatus near
the station, it was shot into the canal, so that when we
received the letter, the stamps were all stuck together,
and it was a matter of some difficulty negotiating to
obtain in exchange for them a sum anywhere near
their full value.
While we are on the subject of collisions on the
Broad Gauge, we take the opportunity of remarking,
upon the well-established fact, that although the trains
were heavier and travelling at much higher speeds
than Narrow Gauge trains under similar circumstances,
272 A History of the Great Western Railway.
yet the consequences on the Broad Gauge were always
much less disastrous in consequence of the wider gauge
giving greater stability to the trains, which generally
did not even leave the metals, as instance the accident
near Langley in 1845, referred to in a previous chapter,
that at Bullo in 1868, and Bourton in 1876, where only
the driver and fireman were killed. On 26th Novem-
ber 1852, a down express, drawn by the ' Lord of the
Isles,' ran at full speed into a train shunting across its
path at Heyford. Again only the driver was killed,
and the engine did not leave the metals. Yet again
in November 1890, a special passenger train, convey-
ing the Cape mail from Plymouth to London, worked
by a Bristol and Exeter tank engine, No. 2051, but
which had been rebuilt and a tender added, collided
with the engine of a Narrow Gauge goods train at
Norton Fitzwarren, near Taunton. The goods train
was stationary, while the express was travelling at
60 miles an hour, yet neither the engine nor any of
the coaches left the rails. Through the unfortunate
forgetfulness of the signalman, ten passengers lost
their lives on this occasion, but had a van been next
the engine, as should have been the case, no loss of
life would probably have resulted.
Many years ago, a van at the tail of a goods train
got off the metals near Reading, ran along the longi-
tudinal sleepers for 5 miles, and then righted itself at
a level crossing. The engine driver was unaware of
the mishap, until, in consequence of the report of some
platelayers who saw the occurrence, the line was
examined and the indentations on the timber caused
by the wheels were observed.
In 1847 an extraordinary accident happened to the
Exeter express — the ' crack ' train of those days — when
passing Southall, one of the driving wheel tyres of the
' Queen ' engine broke. A piece flew in the air and de-
scended upon a down train, killing two cattle drovers
in it, whilst another piece threw the down train off
the rails. Although he had to cross a high embank-
fc i
2 o
o
U
8 I
33
H
The Later Development of the Railway. 275
ment and the Brent Viaduct, the driver of the ' Queen '
went on to the next station (Hanwell), where he ex-
amined his engine, and proceeded to Paddington minus
the tyre. The last accident to a Broad Gauge train
happened to the 2.15 up express on I4th May 1892.
As the train was passing over the points of Lipson
Junction, near Plymouth, the axle of the engine broke,
and although the train was travelling down an incline
at high speed, fortunately none of the carriages were
derailed, although, of course, the engine left the line.
While any old Broad Gauge driver was always
able to give his own experience of accidents that
happened to himself, which were far more miracul-
ous than the cases previously narrated by his con-
freres, but as most of these accidents never obtained
official publicity, we only accept them cum grano salts.
Most travellers can give an account of some one
or another remarkable journey they have performed,
but few, we think, can equal the experience of a poor
man who arrived in a most exhausted and dirty con-
dition at Swindon, having ridden from Paddington
underneath one of the coaches of a fast train
bound for the West of England. He was dis-
covered at Swindon lying across the brake rods, on
which he hoped to have made his journey home as
far as Bristol. Being out of work and penniless, his
appearance caused great excitement and pity amongst
the passengers, who made a collection for the un-
fortunate man to enable him to complete his journey
in a more comfortable way.
Another remarkable case of railway travelling on
the Great Western Railway was the involuntary
journey, or rather series of journeys, performed in
January 1877, half a dozen children, each about ten
years of age, were charged before the Bristol magis-
trates with having travelled without taking their tickets
or paying their fares on the Great Western Railway
in the truck of a goods train for three days and three
nights. It was found that they had been playing in
276 A History of the Great Western Railway.
the goods station yard at Plymouth when a guard
shouted to them, and they became so frightened that
they hid themselves in one of the trucks. Keeping
very quiet, so as not to be detected, they fell asleep.
During the night the truck was attached to a goods
train which was being formed for Penzance. The
train then started without anyone knowing that the
stowaways were there. The truck was shunted when
the train reached Truro in the night, and there the
urchins woke up, and being much frightened, they stole
out of the station and tried to walk back towards Ply-
mouth. They had only gone a short way when the
rain came down in torrents, and so drenched them
that they determined to go back to the railway station,
where, unobserved, they got into another covered
truck which they thought would take them back to
Plymouth. This truck was booked through to Bristol
with a load of general goods ; it was consequently not
shunted at Plymouth, but with numerous delays and
shuntings in the course of the goods traffic en route it
arrived at Bristol. The urchins slept a good deal of
the time, but were so exhausted when discovered that
three or four of them could not stand. They soon
recovered under the attention they received, but
appeared in the most bewildered state of mind. They
were taken to the police station and cared for during
the night. Their names and addresses were tele-
graphed to Plymouth, and the Plymouth police
discovered that inquiries had been made at the police
station for two or three of the little travellers, and
their parents were in great distress at their loss. The
magistrates expressed their astonishment that the
boys' hunger had not caused them to declare them-
selves. They were eventually dismissed, the bench ex-
pressing the opinion that it was hardly a case of fraud.
At Christmas 1880, the Paddington Station was
lighted by the electric light on the Brush system,
this was a forward step indeed, seeing how little this
method of illumination was then in vogue.
Tke Later Development of the Railway. 277
Most of us have personal experiences of a very un-
pleasant kind in connection with the tremendous snow
storms of January 1881, but although all the railways
suffered severely, the Great Western far the worst.
At the meeting of shareholders in February, Mr Gooch
gave them the following account of the difficulties
experienced on the line : — ' We had every reason up
to the middle of January to anticipate that we might
have been able to offer the shareholders a dividend in
excess of what they had -previously received, but you
all know in the middle of January a snowstorm
occurred, the first we have had in the history of this
railway to interfere with our traffic, and wiped off
something like ^56,000 of the amount available
for dividend. Had we had that ,£56,000 in our
pockets, we should have been able to give you from
a half to three-quarters per cent, more dividend than we
are now doing. We did not make the storm, we did our
best under the circumstances, so I hope you will all be
satisfied that the 5 per cent, we now offer you is as
much as we could reasonably be expected to give.
There is no doubt that the storm was much more
severe on our line than on any other. Its great
weight fell in the counties of Berks, Wilts, and down
towards Weymouth and that district. We had to
excavate 1 1 1 miles of snow, varying according to the
drift from 3 feet down to 10 feet in depth. We had,
unfortunately, fifty-one passenger trains and thirteen
goods trains buried in the snow, making a total of
sixty-four, and we had blocks on one hundred and
forty-one different parts of the system. Great credit
is due to the skill and zeal of our officers, and not
only to the officers but to every man engaged in the
service for accomplishing what they did. They had
a very difficult service to perform, and we had no
accident to any person during the whole period.'
In October 1882 the Teign Valley Railway, a Narrow
Gauge line, was opened ; it was the first Narrow Gauge
branch on the South Devon Railway, and was a shadow
278 A History of the Great Western Railway.
of the complete narrow gauging of the Great Western
which took place nearly ten years later.
In 1886 the superintendent of the line (Mr Tyrrell)
retired ; he had been with the Great Western for forty-
six years, and it is really remarkable how long-lived
the old Great Western officials were, and how in-
tensely they believed in the undoubted advantage
of the Broad Gauge. Mr Higgins, the secretary,
died just before the final conversion, and Mr Mills,
the present secretary, was appointed i6th May 1892,
so that he may claim the proud honour of being
the last of the Broad Gauge officials, for had the
appointment taken place a few days later, the Great
Western Railway would have then been an ordinary
Narrow Gauge line. In 1894, Mr Burlinson, the
then superintendent of the line, retired after fifty
years' service.
On ist October 1890, the Great Western fell
into line with the other great railways, and com-
menced to carry third-class passengers by all trains,
although it was not until ist July 1894 that
third class, as distinguished from Parliamentary fares,
were abolished on the system, and third-class pas-
sengers were carried by all trains at id. per mile.
In the early days of railways, besides the opposi-
tion of landowners and the general public, these
companies had also to fight against two other
opponents, and these were the most determined and
aggressive of all those who battled against the in-
troduction and extension of railways ; the resistance
of these two was the more bitter and relentless,
since it was patent that if the railways were success-
ful, then the utility of the stage coach and canal
would be most materially decreased. The stage
coaches more easily succumbed to the railway attack,
since, in most cases, they were but single proprietors
fighting against a powerful combination of capital,
and the travelling public soon perceived the great
superiority of railway travelling as compared with
The Later Development of the Railway. 279
the stage coach. But with regard to the canal
companies, the case was different ; these were them-
selves huge and wealthy corporations in possession
of immense capital and enjoying a valuable and
lucrative monopoly, which was guarded by a number
of Parliamentary protections which almost freed them
from competition in the carrying of merchandise,
while the income derived from the various canals
wasHso large that no railway ever has, nor ever can
hope, to pay a rate of interest at all commensurate
with those paid by canal companies before the in-
troduction of railways. The magnitude of these
annual dividends can, in a measure be gauged when
we mention that, in 1846, and in the face of railway
competition, the dividends paid by the following
canals were : — Duke of Bridgewater, 30 per cent. ;
Trent and Mersey, 30 per cent. ; Oxford, 26 per
cent. ; Coventry, 25 per cent. ; and Old Birmingham,
1 6 per cent. ; while the average railway dividend for
the same year, 1846, was only ^13, 125. 4^d., per
cent. Therefore it is not at all surprising to find
that the fights between the old water carriers and
the new steam ones were of so severe and un-
yielding a nature, since the former had everything
to lose and the latter all to gain, if only the railways
were allowed to be constructed. The railway com-
panies were, however, no match for the already
established canal proprietors, so that they were
compelled to enter into some kind of arrangements
with the companies owning the canals, and these
latter were shrewd enough to foresee that the de-
feat of the railway schemes was but of a temporary
nature, and that in a few years at most, railways
would be constructed over the country in all direc-
tions ; therefore they took advantage of the railway
companies' desire to commence construction without
delay by arranging with them to purchase the canals,
and in this way they were enabled to sell their
concerns at a good price, and secure themselves,
280 A History of the Great Western Railway.
knowing that if they did not do so, when the rail-
ways were willing to buy off their opposition, in
a few years the railways would refuse to purchase
their undertakings, and possibly they would be left
with costly works to maintain which would pro-
duce but a small income. By this means the Great
Western Railway Company became possessed of a
considerable canal mileage to the evident satisfac-
tion of the original canal proprietors, while, dpubt-
less, our legislators considered that they had well
guarded against a monopoly in the carriage of goods
by requiring the railway companies to maintain these
canals in a suitable condition for the conveyance of
traffic at the scheduled charges. So far from this
arrangement being of any utility, it has become a
source of great loss to the railway and of not the
slightest advantage to the public ; therefore, as soon
as such an anomalous system is put an end to so
much the better will it be for all concerned.
The Great Western Railway Company is owner
of the following canals : — Bridgewater and Taunton,
Great Western, Kennett and Avon, Monmouthshire,
Stourbridge Extension, Stratford - on - Avon, and
Swansea. The b£te noir of the Great Western
Railway Company's canals is the Kennett and Avon,
along the side of which the Berks and Hants line
is constructed. This canal was authorised by Acts
34, 36, 38, 41, and 45 of George III., and its general
direction is from west to east for a distance of
55| miles in Somerset, Wilts, and Berkshire. When
the Great Western Railway was opened to Bath and
Bristol, this canal was a competitive route for goods
traffic between those places and London, so that the
purchase of it was considered to be advantageous
to the interests of the Great Western Railway. We
are not aware of the indirect benefits derived by the
railway shareholders by the acquisition of this canal,
but the direct loss they incur yearly in the working
of the undertaking is very considerable.
The Later Development of the Railway. 281
The deserted appearance of this canal is notorious ;
in fact, the sight of a barge upon its waters is an
almost rare event. To make matters still worse,
the Great Western Railway Company not only main-
tain the canal, but also a railway — the Berks and
Hants line — which, as we have already stated, for a
considerable distance runs side by side with the canal.
The railway itself can scarcely be a prosperous one,
as, although some 60 miles in length, it has but four
down and five up through trains daily, besides four local
ones each way, none of the towns on it being of much
importance. The company, however, hope, when the
new lines from Wood borough to Westbury, and from
Castle Cary to Athelney are completed, to make use
of the Berks and Hants line for the express traffic to
the West of England, as this route will then be 19 miles
shorter than the present way via Swindon and Bristol ;
while the distance between London and Westbury,
Frome, and the other stations on the Weymouth
branch, will be lessened to the same extent, so that
the competition with the London and South Western
Railway will be very considerably increased. The
single portions of the line will, however, require
doubling before any practical use can be made of
the route for through express traffic. Yet what a
great saving of capital would have resulted had the
Berks and Hants line been constructed along the
course of the useless Kennett and Avon Canal,
instead of as an independent adjacent route. There
is the faint hope that in the far future, when the
traffic on this section of the Great Western system
has increased so much that the present line is in-
capable of carrying it all, that the canal will then
be utilised, like so many others have been, by
being converted into a railway. We fear, however,
this is looking very far ahead.
CHAPTER XX.
THE FINAL CONVERSION.
' TO-DAY'S ARRANGEMENTS. — The Great Western Railway substitute the Narrow
for the Broad Gauge.' — (Daily Telegraph, 2\st May 1892.)
THE partisans of the Narrow Gauge always professed
that sooner or later the Broad Gauge must give way
to the Narrow Gauge ; but, somehow, although they
always expected this event to happen in the near
future, it was a very long time before their opinions
were verified. After the battle of 1845-46 they ex-
pected an immediate conversion ; but, not only was
the Narrow Gauge party signally disappointed, but
year by year the Broad Gauge lines increased in
mileage and also in power until, in 1867, the Broad
Gauge lines had reached the important total of 1456
miles, with no less than 700 locomotives of the 7 feet
gauge. In London, with Paddington as headquarters,
the Broad Gauge trains were found at Kensington,
Moorgate, and even Victoria (one half of which
station is jointly leased by the London, Chatham and
Dover and Great Western Railways) ; but years ago
the Broad Gauge rail had been removed from the
Metropolitan Railway, the West London line, and the
Great Western route to Victoria via Clapham and
the London and South Western. But at this time,
when at its zenith, and with the voices of the Narrow
Gauge adherents almost silenced from hope de-
ferred, as narrated in a previous chapter, the change
commenced, and no doubt the Great Western Rail-
way shareholders were ready to change any and
everything in the hope of improving their dividend,
282
The Final Conversion. 283
well-knowing that, come what might, they could not be
worse off, and by the change their position might
be improved ; for while the Great Western Railway
was paying a dividend of but if per cent., its neigh-
bours, the London and South Western on one side,
the London and North Western on the other, were
returning their shareholders 4! per cent, and 6 per
cent, respectively. So the various changes, as already
chronicled, were duly carried out ; and when almost
everybody had nearly forgotten the probability of the
Great Western Railway ever changing the gauge of
its main line, early in 1891 it began to be whis-
pered round the railway world that the Directors of the
' Sleepy Giant ' were seriously considering the advisa-
bility of a complete withdrawal of the Broad Gauge.
From being whispered in railway 'circles it soon be-
came a matter of public speculation. The then
recent death of Sir Daniel Gooch, the last of the
Broad Gauge pioneers, gave a raison d'etre for the
change, for while he was the nominal head of the
Great Western system, it was not likely that the
complete rejection of the Broad Gauge would be
seriously entertained at all. But, in the spring of
1891, it was officially announced that this great
engineering feat would be accomplished on 2ist
and 22d May 1892, and for a year the railway and
engineering papers were constantly giving particulars,
more or less correct, of how the conversion was to be
carried out. At the half-yearly meeting of the Great
Western shareholders, held on nth February 1892,
Mr F. G. Saunders, the Chairman, preached the
funeral sermon, as he called it, of the Broad Gauge.
We extract the following from this ' sermon ' : — ' With
regard to the gauge he need not tell them a long
story. It was unfortunately left to the Board of 1892
to carry out the abolition of the Broad Gauge on
their system. It was a matter of regret that the
time had nearly arrived when that should be done ;
but they had for many years past made preparations
284 A History of the Great Western Railway.
for that which they knew was imminent. The altera-
tion at Exeter from the Broad to the Narrow Gauge
o
was a very large and serious operation, and involved a
great deal of preparation. . . . More than three-fourths
of their passenger stock was already constructed so
as to be ready to be convertible from the Broad to
the Narrow Gauge. He was of opinion that the
Broad Gauge would have been more suited to the
comfort of the travelling public, who now required
dining and sleeping saloons and other luxuries such as
could be obtained at West End Clubs.'
The following is the opening stanza of a poetical
history of the Broad Gauge written by one of the
numerous Broad Gauge enthusiasts :—
' The fiat's gone forth that the giants of yore,
The sires that gave breath to the Dutchman's loud roar,
Shall be buried in life, and they've tolled the death knell
Of the noble creations of Gooch and Brunei.
We mourn for thy death, dear old Broad Gauge and sigh
For the exquisite forms which were balm to the eye;
Creations superb of a far-seeing brain,
No more shall we look on your equals again.'
That the inhabitants of the Broad Gauge districts
firmly believed in the undoubted superiority of the
7 feet gauge is unquestionable, and the public opinion
of the locality is well expressed in a series of articles
which appeared in the leading West of England paper
at the time of the final conversion. We extract the
following from these interesting articles :—
' Sentiment is often more potent than argument,
and it is not without some pangs of regret that Devon
and Cornwall have bid adieu to their old friend and
ally the Broad Gauge. By the hour when these lines
meet the eyes of our readers every Broad Gauge
engine, carriage and truck will have been removed
beyond the limits of the western counties, most of
them being destined for Swindon, either to be there
converted into Narrow Gauge vehicles or to be broken
up. So much of comfort and celerity has for many
The Final Conversion. 285
years been associated in the minds of travellers with
these ponderous and substantial carriages that it will
be long before the older portion of the travelling
public will fully reconcile themselves to the Narrow
Gauge. The Broad Gauge was doomed, not through
any deficiency, but rather in spite of its superiority, and
in order to facilitate the transit of commercial produce
by a uniformity of gauge. There being a greater
mileage of Narrow than Broad Gauge the latter was
necessarily the one to give way, though even in the
present day Brunei's contention would be widely
echoed : — " I believe we travel much quicker at the
same cost and with more ease, and certainly the wear
and tear of the carriages is very much less with us
than with the other lines."
' Although engineering talent has-been concentrated
on improving Narrow Gauge engines, and the Broad
Gauge locomotives have been allowed to rest on their
laurels of past days, the average speeds per hour for
various Narrow Gauge engines on the great lines
between London and their first stopping places are
respectively : — Great Northern, 51.88 miles ; Midland,
51.78 ; and the London and North- Western, 49.15.
Compare these speeds with that of the Great Western
Railway. The Broad Gauge express (on the improve-
ment of which the engineer has lavished no pains in
recent years), which leaves Paddington for Penzance
at 10.15 A.M., maintains an average speed of 53.28
miles as far as Swindon. This will bear comparison
even with the 54. i miles per hour of the Great
Northern, Manchester and Sheffield express. In face
of such facts it were foolish to argue that the ' Battle
of the Gauges ' has been decided on merit :—
'It is a curious fact that there is no scientific
theory to support the adoption of the 4 feet 8^ inches,
or Narrow Gauge, in preference to any other measure-
ment. On the other hand, much has been, and can
still be, said in favour of the Broad Gauge of Isambard
Brunei, since the gauge determines the width across
286 A History of the Great Western Railway.
each pair of wheels of the engines and carriages, and,
to a certain extent, the width of the engines and
carriages themselves. It is patent that increased
width of gauge must give more room for the play of
the machinery of the engine, and for the comfortable
accommodation of the passengers. Upon a Broad
Gauge line — 7 feet — carriages measuring 10 feet 6
inches across are run, whilst Narrow Gauge carriages
are but 8 feet 6 inches. West Country people have
found the Broad Gauge exceedingly comfortable, and
they naturally regret its extinction. Travelling was
done with smoothness and speed. The speed was in
advance of other lines for years ; but since the Broad
Gauge was doomed, the development of engines of
this class has not been continued, else we should ere
this be travelling 80 miles per hour instead of 60
miles, so engineers tell us. It is also worth noting
that Brunei's rails, bolted down to wood, running
longitudinally, has proved the safest road, perhaps, all
the world over. The West of England has conse-
quently gained no notoriety by reason of frequent
accidents : especially is this the case with reference to
express trains. No accidents with grave fatal results
have ever happened to the " Flying Dutchman," the
" Cornishman," or " Zulu "
We purpose to sub-divide this chapter under four
heads — (a) The traffic arrangements ; (b) The conver-
sion of the line ; (c) The conversion of the rolling
stock ; (d) The result of the conversion.
(a] THE TRAFFIC ARRANGEMENTS. ,
These were of a most extensive character, a special
pamphlet clearly defining the running of the trains west
of Exeter before, during, and immediately after the
conversion was issued for the use of the public,
while, for the guidance of the staff, a handbook of
fifty-five 8vo pages was issued on 3Oth April 1892
containing
The Final Conversion. 287
'GENERAL INSTRUCTIONS
FOR THE USE OF THE COMPANY'S SERVANTS
IN CONNECTION WITH THE
CONVERSION OF THE MAIN LINE
FROM
BROAD TO NARROW GAUGE
BETWEEN
EXETER AND TRURO,
AND OF
THE FOLLOWING BRANCHES —
Newton Abbot to Moretonhampstead.
Newton Abbot to Kingswear.
Churston to Brixham.
Totnes and Totnes Quay to Ashburton.
Laira Junction to Sutton Harbour.
Lidford to Launceston.
Burngallow to Drinnicls. Mill.
Truro to Falmouth.
St Erth to St Ives.
The Conversion will take place on
SATURDAY AND SUNDAY, 2ist and 22d MAY 1892.
During which days these lines will be entirely closed for traffic
purposes.'
The goods traffic for stations west of Exeter began
to be refused as early as 7th May, and continued to be
so until the 25th, but goods traffic from Broad Gauge
Stations was received up to i7th. The London and
South Western Railway took compassion on its life-
long rival during the conversion, and arranged to
convey Great Western traffic to and from Plymouth
over its system between that place and Exeter, where
it was transferred to the Great Western Narrow
Gauge line. Although no down Broad Gauge goods
trains were run west of Exeter after the departure
of the 7.30 A.M. on i8th May, the Broad Gauge
engines and brakes were worked down according to
time table for the purpose of bringing back the
enormous amount of Broad Gauge vehicles to be
brought off the lines about to be converted. Some
of the fish merchants at Penzance nearly lost their
288 A History of the Great Western Railway.
market on the Friday, the catch had been excep-
tionally heavy, and as the merchants knew the
supply of fish trucks was very low (only sufficient
having been kept back to form the ordinary 12.35
P.M. up fish), there was a general rush and hurry
to the station to secure accommodation, ' first come,
first served,' being the order. After a deal of diffi-
culty the whole consignment was duly loaded, but
not a single Broad Gauge vehicle remained over.
About 2000 empty Broad Gauge trucks were worked
from off the West Cornwall line during the first
half of the conversion week, and as not more than
1 6 trucks are allowed for any one train over one
portion, the traffic over the Cornwall and South
Devon lines was pretty brisk. While the west
county lines were thus engaged in sending out its
Broad Gauge stock, London was not behindhand, for,
on Thursday night, igth May, the sidings at S win-
don must have been pretty full, as a special of twenty-
eight trucks (Broad Gauge), and two engines, which
left London at 9.20, were sent to Didcot instead of
Swindon as previously arranged.
Coming to the passenger trains, the last through
Broad Gauge one to leave Paddington was the ' Cor-
nishman,' on Friday, 2Oth May. The terminus was
all bustle and excitement as soon as daylight dawned
on this eventful morning, the most unobservant per-
son could not fail to notice a curious and unusual
expression on the countenances of the railway
officials from the highest to the lowest, who seemed
to be gathering on the platforms in increasing num-
bers, and as the morning wore on these were joined
by a large number of the general public, many
of whom certainly had not prepared for a railway
journey. Then 'gentlemen of the press ' were un-
mistakably en evidence, artists were not wanting in the
increasing crowd, while photographers — amateurs and
professionals — were well represented, and so matters
went on until the ' Cornishman ' was drawn up at the
The Final Conversion. 289
departure platform, when the suppressed excitement
began to be openly expressed, reporters were trying to
get hold of all and every official who appeared likely to
be willing to impart any information as to the proceed-
ings, while the guards, driver and fireman were each
surrounded by small crowds of curious, sympathising
and inquiring individuals, who came to pay their last
respects to the expiring 7 feet gauge. No little ex-
citement was caused among the mourners by the
premature departure of the train, but after journeying
a few yards it was brought to a standstill, and inquiry
showed that it was solely for the benefit of photo-
graphers that this forward movement was made.
As the hands of the clock showed that the time of
departure was near at hand, it appeared as if every
employe at Paddington Station were congregated on
the various platforms to see the ' Cornishman ' depart.
Among the officials could be distinguished Viscount
Emlyn, the Deputy Chairman of the Company, and
Mr Hubbard, another Director. While Colonel Edg-
cumbe, another Director, and Mr Lambert, the General
Manager, travelled through to Penzance. Punctually
to time the famous 'Great Britain,' rebuilt in 1888,
started on this fateful career — -the train consisted of
seven bogie coaches, and the last through Broad
Gauge train glided out of the station amid the cheers
of passengers and spectators. As the last van passed
the platform, the veteran guard, who had travelled
thousands and thousands of miles in Broad Gauge
trains, leaned his head out of the window and cried,—
' One cheer all together for the last.' This brought
forth what is called a ' rouser.'
The following is the timing of this train to Swin-
don : —
h. m. s. h. m. s-
Paddington, dep., . 10 15 o Castle Hill, . . 10 26 4
Westbourne, pass., . 10 18 15 Han well, . . 10 27 3
2 mile post, . . 10 19 45 Southall, . . 10 29 20
Acton, . . . 10 22 53 Hayes, . . 10 31 50
Baling, . . . 10 24 55 West Drayton, . 10 34 43
290 A History of the Great Western Railway.
Langley,
Slough,
19 mile post,
Taplow,
Maidenhead, /
24^ mile post,
26
26J
m
28j
29}
30
Twyford,
32 mile post,
Reading,
Tilehurst,
Pangbourne,
42 mile post,
44 )» >j
Goring,
h. in.
s.
10 38
15
48 mile post,
10 40
55
52 „ „
10 41
35
Didcot,
10 45
So
54 mile post,
10 48
10
56 „ „
10 48
45
Steventon,
10 50
20
58 mile post,
10 51
10
60 „ „
10 52
55
6 1 mile post,
10 53
3°
62
10 54
46
63
10 55
46
65
10 57
5
66
10 58
30
68
ii 3
20
70
ii 6
10
7i
ii 9
40
72
II 10
30
75
II 12
20
76
,
II 13
10
Swindon,
h. m. s.
ii 16 55
II 21 2O
II 22 30
II 23 40
ii 26 5
II 26 50
II 28 30
ii 3° 45
ii 3i 55
ii 33 4
ii 34 7
ii 36 40
ii 37 55
ii 40 55
ii 42 25
ii 43 40
ii 44 45
ii 48 10
ii 49 20
ii 51 20
At Swindon two fog-signals were detonated by the
engine as she entered the station. Here again was
another crowd of regretful admirers and photographers,
more cheering as the train started for the west, and
quite a volley of fog-signals were discharged as the
train left the station. Much the same scene was
enacted at every station on the journey, and it was
stated that this train was photographed at over a
hundred different places. This train was timed to call
at several additional stations, and was not due at
Penzance till 8.20 P.M., over an hour later than usual,
but as a fact it was 9 P.M. before the last Broad Gauge
' Cornishman ' reached its western destination. A
large crowd took tickets from Penzance by the last
local train to Truro, and, alighting at Marazion, caught
the " Cornishman," ' thus riding back to Penzance by
the last Broad Gauge passenger train. On the arrival
of this train, arrangements were at once made for the
return to Swindon of a train which should clear the
whole of the Broad Gauge traffic from the line.
This train was made up of two engines, six coaches,
The Final Conversion. 291
and a breakdown van containing a gang of men sup-
plied from Newton Abbot, and the necessary tools
which were provided in view of any accident, the
object being to clear the line of all possible ob-
struction.
The last through up passenger train from Penzance
was the mail, on Friday afternoon. This train was
also late, and at Plymouth was nearly an hour be-
hind, not leaving the Mill Bay Station till 9.17 P.M.
There was great competition among the through
guards as to who should have the honour of work-
ing this last Broad Gauge train to London. The
fortunate one received a present at Mutley collected
from a few passengers during the journey from Mill
Bay.
As the train proceeded on its course to Totnes, the
first stopping place, there were at each station clusters
of people assembled, and the platelayers turned out of
their tents to give it a hearty cheer and a respectful
farewell, which was clearly heard above its vibrating
roar. At Exeter, notwithstanding that it was near
midnight, and the train was i hour 15 minutes late,
it was the subject of a farewell demonstration, a
large crowd having patiently waited to see the last
of the Broads.
It was the last of its kind to leave the city, and those
present wished it a hearty good-bye. It had met the
down train at Dawlish, where there was much shaking
of hands through the windows, the passengers singing
' Auld Lang Syne.' One of the coaches which came
up Bore the inscription —
Good-bye to this old body of mine,
I've knocked about for many a time ;
E.G. I am, E.G. I'll stay,
Until I'm turned the narrow way.
Another less poetical, but more tragic sentiment
on a goods truck was, ' Good riddance, old boy, you
nearly killed me two years ago.'
292 A History of the Great Western Railway.
As it left Exeter, shortly before the stroke of
twelve o'clock, following the lead of the ' Amazon,' it
received the last cheer raised by the public. Thence
to Swindon its course was as usual. Here it was
taken up by the ' Bulkeley,' which had brought down
the last Broad Gauge from London the previous after-
noon, and as it passed out of the station a salute of
exploding fog-signals announced the departure of the
last train on the Broad Gauge. On arrival at
Paddington the passengers on turning out, feeling
that they had taken an indirect part in the final per-
formance of the Broad Gauge service, lingered to see
the emptied carriages back out of the station, in pre-
paration for their last Broad run to the sidings at
Swindon.
The very last Broad Gauge passenger train to
leave Paddington was the 5 P.M. for Plymouth, many
people placed coins on the line for the train to run
over, and now treasure them up as mementoes of the
journey of this historic train.
At Exeter a gentleman took his stand by the side
of the ' Iron Duke,' which had brought the train
from Bristol, and delivered an oration on the great
advantages of the Broad Gauge. This train did not
arrive at Plymouth till 1.15 on Saturday morning,
over an hour late, but a crowd kept vigil to see the
last of it.
The Portreeve of Ashburton enveloped the loco-
motive of the last Broad Gauge train from that
station in black crape, and so decked in mourning
it accomplished its last journey to Totnes, and thence
to Swindon.
From Torquay crowds of people travelled by the
last train to Torre, many taking two tickets and
keeping one in memory of the eventful journey.
After the public traffic was over, many special trains
of empty Broad Gauge stock and dead engines of
ancient design were run to Swindon, there to await
their turn of conversion or extinction.
Final Conversion. 293
From Plymouth such trains left at 7.10, 9.20, 11.20,
11.35, p-M-> and I2-55 A-M-
,, Moretonhampstead ,, ,, IO.OP.M.
,, Ashburton ,, ,, 10.0 ,,
Liskeard „ „ 9.50 „
Kingswear ,, „ 8.15 „
and 12.45 A-M- on Saturday, which train
also included the Brixham branch train
and engine.
„ Penzance ,, ,, at 7.5 P.M.
„ Launceston „ „ 9.35 „
Falmouth „ „ 8.15 „
St Ives „ „ 8.50 „
As already stated, the last Broad^Gauge train, con-
sisting of the stock of the down ' Cornishman,' and a
breakdown van drawn by two locomotives was timed
to leave Penzance at 9.10 P.M., and to reach Swindon
at 9.45 A.M. on Saturday morning. The departure of
this train did not take place till 10 P.M., it stopped at
every station and an inspector travelled with it, and
when he had ascertained from each stationmaster
that all Broad Gauge stock had been worked away,
and he had also satisfied himself that the whole
of the trains timed to leave their respective junc-
tions in advance of him had departed, and having
done this, he issued a notice in the following printed
form to every stationmaster between Penzance and
Exeter :—
'This is the last Broad Gauge train to travel
over the line between Penzance and Exeter.'
On receipt of this notice the stationmasters, at
the stations between Penzance and Exeter, gave a
printed notice to the representative of the Engineering
Department in the following form, that he could take
possession of the line : —
' This is to certify that the last Broad Gauge train
from Penzance has left this station, and the Engineer-
ing Department can now take possession of the line
294 -A History of the Great Western Railway.
from the station in the rear up to this station, for the
purpose of converting the gauge.'
Similar forms were given and received from the
last Broad Gauge trains on the branch lines.
The mail service to and from Cornwall, during the
time of the conversion, was performed partly by rail,
partly by steamer, and partly by coach. The 9 P.M.
mail train was Narrow Gauge for the first time on the
Friday, and was consequently the first train (usually
Broad Gauge) to run Narrow Gauge. Leaving Exeter
at 2.45 A.M., this train was handed over to the London
and South Western, and was conveyed over their line
to Plymouth (North Road), arriving there at 4.20 A.M.
Here the passengers, mails and parcels were trans-
ferred to waggonettes and conveyed to the Mill Bay
Docks, whence the Great Western Railway steamer
' Gazelle ' (one of the new boats employed in the
Weymouth and Channel Islands service) left at 5.30
A.M., and was due at Fowey at 7.30, and Falmouth
9.30. The steamer, however, made quicker voyages
than was expected, and arrived at Fowey at 7.17, and
Falmouth at 8.45. There was quite a busy scene on
her arrival at the latter port. There were coaches
and four, waggonettes and other vehicles in readiness
to receive the mails. As the heavily-laden coaches
passed through the streets of the town, the remark
was frequently heard, — ' It reminds one of olden
times,' or words to that effect. West of Truro, to
which city the mails were conveyed from Falmouth
by coach, the usual order of things was reversed as
the up mail left before the down one arrived, thus
a reply to a letter by Friday's night mail, from London
to Penzance, could not be despatched from Penzance
until Sunday morning instead of Saturday morning.
The London night mail was despatched by train
leaving Penzance at 11.15 A-M- m charge of a mail
guard. This officer received and put out mails at all
stations as far as Truro, and there met and took
charge of the down night mail, performing the same
The Final Conversion. 295
duties on the homeward journey, reaching Penzance
at 2. 20 P.M. On Sunday the same officer took charge
of the mails, conveyed by coach and four leaving Pen-
zance post office at 8 A.M., by way of Marazion, Hayle,
Camborne, Carn Brea, etc., to Redruth, picking up mails
at each office. The down night mail was timed to
arrive at Redruth shortly after the up mail left
there, as soon as the coaches had exchanged their
respective mails, the down service was performed in
the same manner as the up mail service, reaching
Penzance office at 3.5 P.M.
The steamer, on her return voyages on Saturday
and Sunday, was again before time. Leaving Fal-
mouth at 3.30 P.M., she arrived at Plymouth at 6.42
instead of 7.30, from thence to Exeter the mail was
forwarded by the London and South' Western Railway.
So satisfied were the Great Western officials that
the colossal work of converting the gauge on the
Cornwall Railway between Plymouth and Penzance
would be successfully carried out within 48 hours,
that the mail train leaving London at 9 P.M. on
Sunday (arriving at Plymouth via London and South
Western from Exeter) was booked to leave North
Road at 4.40 A.M., and travel over the line just nar-
rowed, and arrive at Penzance at 8.17 on Monday
morning, calling at all intermediate stations. This
journey was duly run to time.
The London and South Western also conveyed
empty Great Western Narrow Gauge stock from
Exeter to Plymouth on the Friday morning. These
vehicles stood at Laira until Monday morning, and
formed the first Narrow Gauge trains. The Narrow
Gauge coaches to work the Brixham, Kingswear,
Moretonhampstead and Ashburton branches were
sent over the South Devon line from Exeter by
specials at 3.15 and 4.40 A.M. on the Monday morn-
ing. The ordinary Narrow Gauge rolling stock of the
Cornwall Minerals line provided the coaches for trains
on Monday from Truro, Falmouth and Penzance.
296 A History of the Great Western Railway.
The amount of Narrow Gauge rolling stock was so
restricted on the Monday that no through vehicles
were run from the Falmouth branch to London.
The Helston Narrow Gauge branch was 'com-
mandeered ' to the extent of one tri-compo and two
third-class coaches, to form the St Ives branch train,
while, to provide for the early up trains from Pen-
zance, Narrow Gauge coaches were worked down
from Plymouth (North Road) to Cam Brea yard on
crocodile trucks, which, as soon as unloaded, were
returned for two more coaches, and this was repeated
until sixteen coaches had been thus conveyed.
On Saturday, 2ist May, the inhabitants of the
district between Truro and Penzance, after an interval
of nearly thirty years, again saw Narrow Gauge pas-
senger trains running over the West Cornwall Railway,
for a special service of Narrow Gauge trains was pro-
vided on this line, which had still preserved the Narrow
Gauge line on which it was built, and was the only
Mixed Gauge line in Cornwall. This section was
closed on the Sunday for alterations. The conversion
did not affect the following Narrow Gauge branches :—
Helston Branch ;
Cornwall Minerals Line ;
Bodmin and Wadebridge Branches ;
Princetown Branch ;
Teign Valley Branch ;
while a service of Narrow Gauge trains was run
between Plymouth (North Road) and Tavistock, the
gauge on this line having been mixed to accommodate
the London and South Western some years previously.
The full usual service of Narrow Gauge trains was
advertised to run on Monday, 23d May. Mr Foxwell,
of ' Express train ' celebrity, travelled from Penzance
by the up ' Cornishman,' and wrote to the Pall Mall
Gazette the following epigrammic account of that
journey : —
; It has been said that sudden conversions are
The Final Conversion. 297
never to be relied on. No one would assent to this
proposition after travelling in the ' up Cornishman '
to-day. This train is timed to leave Penzance at
11.10, and to reach Paddington at 7.50. Considering
the extraordinary character of the line from Penzance
to Exeter (132 miles), this represents a sufficiently
hard task. To-day, therefore, being the first on which
the Cornish express was to run Narrow Gauge, over
a track which had just been changed from Broad
Gauge in the twinkling of an eye, no one (except the
drivers) thought it possible for the train to keep time,
at any rate along the section from Truro to Plymouth,
which is composed (or discomposed) on incessant
curves and thirty-three trestle viaducts. However, it
was on this section that we did best, for at each stop-
ping station we had to wait till our time was up, and
then we ran into North Road too soon. Not once
were we checked by any weak spot in the road so
recently relaid. Finally, after being snubbed all the
way up for being too forward, we shut off steam 2j
miles outside Paddington, and stopped at the platform
at 7.46 — that is, 4 minutes before our time. In spite
of all temptations to belong to other nations, I am
content to be an Englishman just now. — Yours truly,
' E. FOXWELL.'
(6) THE CONVERSION OF THE LINE.
The arrangements made by Mr Trench, the Great
Western engineer for the stupendous work of convert-
ing some 230 miles of line from the safe, comfortable
and convenient 7 feet gauge to the cramped coal-wain
wheel track, now almost universal in this country, were
of such a complete and exhaustive nature that they
rightly deserve a foremost place in the annals of en-
gineering triumphs, as an example of a gigantic task
successfully carried out in an exceedingly short time,
without hitch or accident. The success of the work is
298 A History of the Great Western Railway.
undoubtedly due to the very careful way in which
every detail of the work to be performed had been
mapped out most minutely and scheduled many
months beforehand, and it only required obedience to
orders on the part of the men employed to enable the
undertaking to be carried through without mishap ; and
so well was the army of workers disciplined in this
desideratum of immediate and exact attention to orders,
that failure was an unknown quantity. The result
would have been quite otherwise had there been any
indecision or want of cohesion among the men or their
superiors. The many permanent way hands usually
employed on the 230 miles of line to be converted,
were assisted in the work by importations of fellow-
workmen from all parts of the Great Western system.
These left their various districts on Thursday,
May, as follows :—
From
No. of Men.
Destination.
Chester, .
441
Main line — Exeter to Newton and
Ashburton branch.
New Milford, .
Bristol, .
315
462
Totnes and Rattery.
Moretonhampstead, Kingswear and
Brixham branches.
Crewe,
Paddington,
Weymouth,
378
447
414
Main line — Totnes to Plymouth.
Main line — Plymouth to St Austell.
Lidford to Launceston; Bodmin
Road to St Austell.
Tondu, .
483
Par to Falmouth.
Total,
2940
Exaggerated accounts appeared in many papers as
to the number of men imported to do the work, some
putting it as high as 5000. The total number en-
gaged, including those in the district, did not exceed
4200. The men were billeted in gangs of about
sixty, accommodation being found them in the goods
The Final Conversion. 299
sheds, waiting- rooms, and other offices, or in tents
erected for the purpose along the line. Each man
had a straw mattress for a bed and two rugs, provided
by the company ; and on arrival at the allotted posts
hot gruel (oatmeal and water), was served out, the
Directors having supplied 10 tons of oatmeal, and this
was the only refreshment they attempted to supply,
every man being required to provide himself with a
week's supply of food. Mr Wills, of Bristol, of the
firm of W. and H. O. Wills, who is also a Director of
this company, very generously gave five thousand two
ounce packets of the celebrated ' Westward Ho' brand
tobacco for distribution among the men, and each man
received a packet before commencing work. The
cost of this gift amounted to ^150. Undoubtedly
this was a capital advertisement, and those who in-
dulged in the fragrant weed extolled its virtues.
Every three gangs had an inspector over them, this
official being responsible for the conversion of about 3^
miles of way. Forty-six miles of the length to be con-
verted was laid with cross sleepers instead of the
famous safety longitudinal ones. On these parts the
line had already been prepared for the Narrow Gauge,
not only by placing the chairs in position, but a third
rail was actually laid, so that the real length to be
altered during the period allowed for the final con-
version was considerably less than popularly supposed.
Had the whole of the line to be converted been laid
with cross sleepers it would have been impossible to
have altered their position in anything like the short
time allowed for conversion. Indeed, it is quite pos-
sible that the whole line would have been 'mixed'
instead of converted, but as the great cost was the
principal factor in preventing the mixing of the gauge
through Devon and Cornwall, the travellers have the
longitudinal sleepers to thank for the minimum of in-
convenience caused by the alteration of the gauge.
The actual work to be done consisted of four distinct
operations : —
3OO A History of the Great Western Railway.
1. Removing the ballast.
2. Cross-cutting the transoms and removing the
tie-rods.
3. Slewing the sleeper and rail.
4. Bolting up the rails and rough ballasting.
On many sections of the line this work was actually
accomplished in the incredibly short space of 3 1 hours.
The advanced preparations were of a more complete
character than can be appreciated by many of the travel-
ling public. When the South Wales conversion was
made none of the transoms between the longitudinal per-
manent way were cut entirely through. Of every three
transoms two were cut three parts through, and the
other was left intact until the traffic stopped. On this
occasion every alternate transom was cut partly
through, and the others entirely through. In many
cases where the transoms were strengthened by iron
rods alongside, these were shortened and a fresh worm
made so as to be in readiness. Besides which the
ballast had been removed from around the sleeper to
be moved, and also from the new position the sleeper
was to occupy. So that during the last days before
the conversion the lines were on rather shaky bases.
On the Thursday and Friday the workmen found
plenty of occupation in connection with the station sid-
ings, the transformation of which from Broad to
Narrow Gauge was considerably advanced. At day-
break on the Saturday the army of workmen was
astir, and a few minutes later each man was busily
engaged in carrying out the particular duty allocated to
him, and so the work of wiping out the noble con-
ception of Brunei proceeded apace, some hammering,
others slewing, then the more particular work of
adjusting the newly positioned line. The work was of
a many-sided character, fairly easy where there was a
straight length of line to be dealt with, but fraught
with difficulty where the railroad curves, and where at
crossings, with their network of rails, the points had
to be readjusted. In dealing with the longitudinal
The Final Conversion. 301
sleeper, the transoms which held the long lengths of
timber together were cut off to the required gauge
length, and the rail and sleeper shifted in bodily and
readjusted. Preparations had already been made for
the work. At the points much ingenuity and care was
necessary. Great difficulties had to be surmounted in
altering the gauge at junctions and goods yards where
the lines intertwine in a perfect maze. Short sections
of the new lines where points occur were carefully
prepared and substituted for the old sections. Where
the line curved in rounding corners it was very diffi-
cult. Every curve of a rail is a segment of a true circle,
hence, when the outer of the two lines is moved in, some
portion of the rail had to be cut off, as by narrowing
the gauge and drawing in the outer line the outer line
was found too long.
So rapidly had the change been effected that
by one o'clock on the Saturday afternoon the
South Devon line, which when first constructed
was never expected to have a locomotive on it, had
reached the level of all other railways in the country,
and a Narrow Gauge locomotive was cautiously steam-
ing over the erstwhile Atmospheric Railway, and so
after 10 hours' work it became possible, with care and
caution, to run Narrow Gauge trains over the various
sections west of Exeter ; not that the work was in any
sense completed, but the whole of the rails had in that
time been slewed into their new position.
The action of the Great Western Railway Company
necessitated the Falmouth Docks Company narrow
gauging their lines, the expense incurred in connection
therewith being ^4000. There were over 5 miles of line
to be dealt with, including many crossings, etc. Two
experienced foremen from the South Western Railway
were engaged to render help in this conversion, which
was carried out under the superintendence of the dock's
engineer. The whole of the work at the docks was
completed — without the aid of Sunday labour —
by Tuesday morning.
3O2 A History of the Great Western Railway.
More than a year after the ' abolition of the
Broad Gauge ' we noticed that the disused branch
of the Cornwall Railway from Lostwithiel to Fowey
was still unconverted, and may be still, for aught its
proprietors seem to care, now the route to Fowey is
via Par and St Blazey.
The sea was an object of wonder to many countrymen
who had never seen the restless waves before, and some
of the denser ones, whose ideas of autocratic and un-
limited power did not go beyond their railway, were
credited with the opinion that the daily variation of the
tides was carried out from instructions received from the
General Manager at Paddington, and this fairy tale was
carried still further by the rejoinder that it was the
Admiralty and not the Great Western Railway that
was responsible for this natural phenomenon.
The abolition of the Broad Gauge was not carried
out without some pathos, for at Torquay a ganger
drowned himself rather than face the difficulty of the
task allotted to him. This unfortunate man had been
engaged in the narrow gauging of the line on the
Torquay branch, and complained to his wife of the
pressure of work, stating that it required a great
deal of study. He also talked to men under him
about the work, and wondered whether the 2\
miles of line for which he was responsible would
turn out all right. He also said he was afraid
he would not have enough tools for the men who
were to be sent down. He was very quiet on
Monday night, but ate his supper and went to bed
in his usual health. On the following morning he
went to work in the Torquay Station Yard, where
he remained until half-past nine. He then walked
away down the line, and was not seen again alive.
So the poor man sought for rest beneath the blue
waves of Torbay, and saw not the 4 feet 8|- inch
gauge laid in his native place.
The arrangements for bringing back the extra men
from the West of Exeter to their own districts were
The Final Conversion. 303
of a more minute character than those made for con-
veying them to the scene of operations. On Mon-
day and Tuesday, 23d and 24th May, seven empty
trains left Bristol and Weston for the various points
to fetch men back, and soon after 6 A.M. on Tuesday
morning" the homeward trip was commenced, and
a half an hour after noon on that day the whole of
the imported men were again east of Exeter, and
quickly journeying to their respective destinations.
From some branches and stations as few as two
men were required for the conversion, yet there
were printed instructions as to which branch trains
they were to travel by on their return journey,
many not reaching home till nearly mid-day on the
25th.
The minute arrangements made for the five men
from Brentford we fancy were hardly likely to have
been appreciated or even carried out by those con-
cerned ; thus the special train was due at West
Drayton at 9.46 P.M., and the five men for Ux-
bridge left by the 10.19 P.M. ordinary. The same
special was due at Southall at 10.2 P.M., but as the
last train to Brentford left Southall at 9.18 P.M.,
these five unfortunate beings were directed by
the red tapeism of the officials to spend a
night at Southall Station, and leave there at
7.25 A.M next morning for Brentford; but as that
town is only distant 4 miles from Southall it is
more than likely that after five nights of bivouac-
ing in Cornwall the men would journey home by
'shanks's mare,' and before midnight be enjoying
the comfort of sleeping in their own beds instead of
roughing it for another night, and so fully carrying
out the too minute arrangements made on their
behalf.
As soon as the conversion was carried out the
engineer of the Great Western Railway retired, and
as he was not a Broad Gauge man, but a native
of the North of England and an advocate of the
304 A History of the Great Western Railway.
Narrow Gauge, he was doubtless pleased to give up,
seeing he had achieved such a complete conversion.
Thus was the abolition of the 7 feet o|- inch railway
gauge completed, and its epitaph, as written in
chalk on a sleeper by a large-hearted West Country
platelayer, was, ' Good-bye, poor old Broad Gauge.
God bless you.'
(c] CONVERSION OF THE ROLLING STOCK.
At the first blush the conversion of a large number
of locomotives, waggons and carriages appears almost
impossible. At the very best one would expect the
alteration of even a single vehicle to be a long
and complicated proceeding, yet so complete were
the arrangements, and for so many years had this
alteration been contemplated, that stock, particularly
engines, had been built and worn out long before
the fateful day of conversion came round. For
over two years Swindon had been preparing for
the conversion, and nearly 20 miles of Broad Gauge
siding were laid down at Swindon to hold the numer-
ous vehicles sent there. At the date of the conversion
the Broad Gauge stock consisted of—
197 engines, of which . . 130 convertible 67 unconvertible.
555 carriages and coaching
vehicles, . . . 426 „ 129 „
3269 waggons and goods trucks 792 ,, 2477 ,,
4021 Total E.G. Stock. 1348 „ 2673 „
Of the locomotives several were new ones, designed
by Mr Dean, and constructed to work the West of
England expresses when the Broad Gauge was no
more. These were Narrow Gauge engines in every
particular except in the length of the axle. For the
few months these engines were running Broad Gauge
they looked most ungainly with the wheels outside the
II
w •'I
z ^
3 o"
^ z
The Final Conversion. 307
frames and far away from the boiler, it has been said
that there was really no occasion for these to
have been built Broad Gauge at all, as the old style
Broad Gauge express locomotives were capable of
working the traffic during the few months these
engines were in use as Broad Gauge locomotives.
It is probable that no locomotives have evoked so
much hostile criticism .as these engines designed by
Mr Dean to work the express trains made world-
famous by the Broad Gauge. The weight of these
new Narrow Gauge engines on six wheels is 44
tons 4 cwt., of which 13 tons 4 cwt. is on the lead-
ing axle.
It is, therefore, no wonder that these 'ironclads'
break their leading axles, as three Qr more have already
done, and that Mr Dean has now fitted leading bogies
to these engines. Had Mr Gooch's experience with
the ' Great Western ' been remembered, and these
locomotives been at first provided with a leading bogie,
the company would have saved the expense of the
subsequent alterations and the damages caused by the
breaking of the axles. In consequence of the high
centre of gravity of these engines, their safety at ex-
press speed has been questioned ; the top of the
smoke box is only half an inch nearer the rails than
was that of the Broad Gauge engines, which had a
base 7 feet wide, as against 4 feet 8|- inches of the
present engines, a very considerable factor, coupled
with a high centre of gravity, when it comes to a
case of an engine turning over or running off the
rails. The diameter of the cylinders have also been
reduced from 20 inches to 19 inches ; while the
addition of the bogie makes them too long for the
usual turn-tables, so that another difficulty has arisen.
These alterations have made the engines more popular,
while to still further gain public favour they have all
been named ; very many after famous Broad Gauge
engines, and others after well known Broad Gauge
men.
308 A History of the Great Western Railway.
The 426 carriages converted were of three
kinds — carriages with Broad Gauge bodies, which
had to be taken to pieces and closed in so as to bring
them to the Narrow dimensions, 8 feet 6 inches, or 2
feet less in width than the old carriages; secondly, there
were carriages with Narrow Gauge bodies and Broad
Gauge frames and wheels; and thirdly, some carriages
had Narrow Gauge bodies and frames, and merely Broad
Gauge bogies and wheels. The process of converting
the last-named had been carefully planned by the officials,
and the machinery was so perfect that a carriage was
transformed in 10 minutes, while no less than 25 were
completely converted in 6J- hours. The change was
effected this wise : — Batches of six carriages were run
into a shed set apart for the purpose. The floor
where the wheels rested was capable of rising and
falling. When the carriages were properly arranged,
the bodies of the carnages were raised by hydraulic
power clear of their bogies. They were stayed up
from the surrounding stationary floor so as to stand
when the wheels were removed. This completed, the
platform on which were the Broad Gauge bogies was
lowered beneath the level of the adjacent floor, and the
bogies run underground on to the rails near by, elevated
to the line level, and then despatched from the shed.
Then the Narrow Gauge bogies were brought in
which were run on to the platform, lowered along
under their carriages, raised to the carriage bodies, and
fitted. As another instance of the speed with which
the transformation was actually effected, under ordinary
circumstances, it may be stated that in one day twenty
carriages were sent into the works in the morning, and
left as Narrow Gauge in the evening. Nearly one-
third of the Broad Gauge coaching stock has been used
again. Of 3269 waggons only 792 were converted.
Most of the remainder were broken up, and the iron
and wheels utilised where possible.
Although most of the stock was sent to Swindon
to be converted, some of the waggons were converted at
H
C/3
O
The Final Conversion. 3 1 1
Lostwithiel, Newton Abbot and Bridgewater — at
which places the locomotive works of the old Cornwall.
South Devon, and Bristol and Exeter Railways were
respectively located. Only ten firms owned private
Broad Gauge waggons (a proof of how completely the
Great Western had the whole of the goods traffic on
its Broad Gauge lines entirely in its own hands).
Some of these firms engaged the Great Western Rail-
way to convert their stock, while others had theirs
converted by private waggon builders. After all the
convertible stock had been attended to, there remained
the unconvertible Broad Gauge engines and vehicles
to be disposed of, and it was nearly eighteen months
later before the whole was completed. It is stated that
the whole loss to the company in Connection with the
conversion of the rolling stock alone was ^374,000.
Soon after the introduction of the Narrow Gauge
on the Great Western Railway a driver of a Broad
Gauge engine was killed in an accident. His epitaph
was :—
' When Narrow with Broad first began to entwine,
A grey-headed driver was killed on the line ;
His last feeble whisper was caught by his mate,
Thank God, 'twas Broad Gauge where I met with my fate.'
THE RESULT OF THE CONVERSION.
And now that the conversion had been carried out,
the coal waggon gauge partisans are able to rub their
hands together, and gloat over the fact that this
country must now be content that its yearly in-
creasing volume of traffic must be carried over the
miserable 4 feet 8| inch gauge.
What now are the benefits or otherwise derived
from the abolition of the Broad Gauge ? Have extra
trains been put on to convey the through traffic of
foreign lines east of Exeter to Devonshire and Corn-
wall ? Have large sums of money, formerly spent in
312 A History of the Great Western Railway.
the wages of 'trans-shippers,' been saved by the com-
pany ? Are myriads of foreign companies' and pri-
vate owners' trucks seen on the South Devon and
Cornwall lines? On the contrary, are not 98 per
cent, of the vehicles seen west of Exeter still the
property of the Great Western Railway? Was it
worth all the expense involved to make the change
for 2 per cent, of the traffic ?
The first appreciable result of the ' narrowing' was
the almost immediate slowing of the West of England
trains — the 'Cornishman' took 16 minutes longer,
the 'Dutchman' half an hour, the 9 P.M. mail 25
minutes; the first up from Penzance 15 minutes, the
up ' Cornishman ' 20 minutes, and the up mail half an
hour. This was in part explained by the fact that
the Great Western had introduced the electric tablet
for working their single lines in place of the old
method while in the case of the up and down mails,
which, both before and after the conversion, stopped
at several stations en route, but after the conversion
ceased to run into Mill Bay, and so saved at least
15 minutes, yet this is slowed half an hour, or in-
cluding the saving at Mill Bay, equal to three-quarters
of an hour, of which but a few minutes can be attri-
buted to the tablet changing. Since the doubling of
several of the sections on the South Devon and
Cornwall lines, the ' Cornishman ' has been accelerated.
A description of the electric tablet system now much
in vogue for working single lines being of interest,
we shortly describe it. ' Say " A " and " B " are the
two boxes at the ends of a section, and " A " has a train
he wishes to send on to " B." " A " will forward the
" Be ready " signal to " B." If "B" is clear to receive
this train he repeats the " Be ready," then " A " holds
his plunger in for " B " to draw out his empty slide in
which he is to place the tablet when it arrives. Then
" B " turns his commentator, and presses in his plunger
for " A " to obtain a tablet, which done, he puts it in a
pouch and hands it to the driver for the train to proceed
The Final Conversion. 313
to " B." Arriving at " B " the driver delivers the tablet
up, and " B " puts it on his empty slide and gives "train
out " to "A," which "A" has to acknowledge by re-
peating with the same number of beats, holding his
plunger in till " B" pushes in his slide containing the
tablet. When this is done " B " turns his commentator,
presses his plunger, holding it well in for "A" to push
his empty slide in. When this is done " A " has to give
" B " one ring to let him know he is right.'
The introduction of corridor trains for all classes
of passengers is a recent innovation, and the Great
Western Railway run eight per day as follows :—
those leaving Paddington at 10.15 A.M. for Plymouth
and Penzance, at 11.25 for Torquay, at 1.30 for Bir-
mingham and Birkenhead, and at 5^-15 for Cardiff and
Swansea ; also those arriving at Paddington at 2.35
P.M. from Swansea and Cardiff, at 4.30 P.M. from Tor-
quay, at 7.45 P.M. from Cornwall and Plymouth, and
at 8.40 P.M. from Birkenhead and Birmingham. But
how much better would the Broad Gauge have lent
itself for corridor trains ? with a passage down the
centre, instead of at the side as now.
The Great Western Railway corridor trains are
the only ' three class ' corridor trains running in the
country. The lavatory accommodation has been ar-
ranged neatly and economically. The carriages are,
with the single exception of the third class, which are
only 52 feet |- inch, all 56 feet f- inch long over the
mouldings, and all of them are 8 feet 6f- inches wide
outside. The clear width inside is 8 feet and the coc-
ridors are 22^- inches wide. The classes are divided
by means of doors in the corridors fitted with private
locks. There is seating accommodation in the train
proper for seventy-six third-class, twenty-two first-
class, and twenty-four second-class passengers, and each
of the two composite carriages provides accommodation
for twenty-four third class, eleven first-class, and seven
second-class passengers, so that the total accommodation
provided by the whole train is 224 third-class, forty-four
314 'A History of the Great Western Railway.
first-class, and thirty-eight second-class seats. The
carriages have the usual lantern roof of the Great
Western stock, and run on the standard Great Western
bogies and underframes, thus the two great desiderata
of railway carriages, and for which the Great Western
is famous, namely, ventilation and smooth travelling,
are as complete as possible. The coaches are finished
in dark oak with Lincrusta panels. The first-class are
upholstered with crimson plush and the second and third-
class compartments with rep of the standard Great
Western Railway patterns.
The weight of the coaches varies from 22 tons 10
cwt. to nearly 24 tons, according to class.
Amongst some of the ills of the present state of
things may be mentioned several breakdowns that
have happened to the new engines, principally the
snapping of the axles — trains running off the lines—
scarcely possible with the original longitudinal sleepers
— the abolition of which the Chairman of the Great
Western was deploring as late as August 1894, more
especially as the alteration is still costing the share-
holders an unnecessary outlay of about ,£60,000 a year.*
The really enormous monetary outlay involved in the
abolition of the Broad Gauge and other alterations and
improvements rendered necessary in consequence will
never be definitely known, the expense having been
subdivided under so many heads, and spread over a
long period, but the yearly interest on the money thus
sunk would have been more than sufficient to pay all
the extra expenses incurred annually by the Great
Western Railway consequent upon having two gauges.
Would it not have been cheaper, more convenient
and better in every way to have mixed the gauge
over the whole system ? While the punctuality of the
trains has certainly not improved since the alteration,
although some of the single sections on the South
* For the half-year to December 1894, .£37,766 was expended
on relaying parts of the converted lines, and the Deputy Chairman
said the expense would be spread over several more years.
The Final Conversion. 3 1 5
Devon and Cornwall lines have been doubled, and
many of the weak viaducts have been substantially re-
built, both of which improvements ought at least to
tend to increased punctuality, and had these works
been carried out when the Broad Gauge was in exist-
ence, the result then would have been increased speed.
The West Country people are conservative and
sentimental, and cling tenaciously to anything to which
they have been attached, especially if it has done them
good service. As the Broad Gauge gave them rail-
ways, and good ones too, with liberal services and
quick trains, when the Narrow Gauge was faraway, and
not likely to reach them for many years, so the Broad
Gauge was always popular with them, and they looked
upon it as something apart ; and when other parts of
the Great Western system had been converted or mixed,
and the Broad Gauge was left to Devon and Cornwall
only, they looked upon it as a system peculiarly their
own, indeed outsiders began to think of it as belonging
solely and only to the West of England, while in Corn-
wall the Great Western Railway was looked upon with
gratitude, and was thanked for their liberality in that,
when other railways could not construct or work
lines in consequence of the unproductive value of the
traffic, the Great Western took them over and gave
the country the benefit of its immense system. But
although the generation directly concerned in these
advantages bestowed on them by the Great Western
Railway has passed away, yet the Broad Gauge vividly
reminded the Cornwall folks of their indebtedness to
the Great Western. This gone, the people, with their
native sharpness, were not slow in taking advantage of
the benefits to be derived by them from the active
competition of two railways, although they well know
there is not sufficient traffic to make both lines remun-
erative ; in fact, the Chairman of the Great Western
Railway has publicly said that the West Cornwall does
not pay expenses, let alone gain any profit to the Great
Western, yet ' one and all ' are sharp enough to en-
316 A History of the Great Western Railway.
courage another line for the sake of the benefits they
will receive thereby. How much the Cornishmen will
invest in the line is an entirely different matter.
The London and South Western Railway entered
into a compact with the Great Western that they
would not promote any railway or extend their system
into Cornwall. This ten years' agreement expired last
year, but the arrangement has not prevented the North
Cornwall Railway — a so-called independent company,
but most closely connected with and worked by the
London and South Western Railway — from construct-
ing a line from the London and South Western Rail-
c*
way at Haswell to Padstow, a distance of 50 miles,
and obtaining Parliamentary sanction to extend it to
Newquay. While in the 1894 Session the North
Cornwall Railway promoted a Bill for power to con-
struct a line from Newquay to Truro, 12 miles long,
with running powers over the Great Western to Fal-
mouth and Penzance. The Cornwall Minerals Rail-
way also promoted a similar line, not because one was
wanted or would pay, but to protect their own system.
This latter received the assent of the House of Lords,
but the House of Commons threw it out on the ground
that it was strengthening the monopoly of the Great
Western Railway in Cornwall, and, if the line was
made, it should be by an independent company. The
result is, a line won't be made just yet. The Cornish
folks, in supporting competition, have overreached
themselves, and lost the benefit the Cornwall Minerals
Railway was willing to give them.
In conclusion, we extract from an article in a rail-
way paper, written by a London and South Western
Railway official. His opinion is worth considering,
seeing that that line is in competition with the Great
Western, and he would have opportunities of comparing
the two systems, while natural esprit de corps would not
allow him to unduly depreciate his own line : — ' I con-
sider myself that the Broad Gauge is capable of great
things, and I am only sorry to think that, in the interest
The Final Conversion. 317
of railway passengers, it has not become universal in
{* preference to the Narrow Gauge. At the present time,
when traffic is so greatly on the increase, and the
demand for improved carriages is heard on every side,
the extra width of the Broad Gauge coaches would
have been found of great advantage, and I think the
carrying capacity of railway rolling stock might be
better increased by having more room in the width
rather than length of the coaches. I maintain, there-
fore, that a broader gauge would prove more econo-
mical in the long run, as it is certainly much more
comfortable, and it offers facilities, under an enterpris-
ing- management, for the construction of cars of the
•
American principle, which the Narrow Gauge cannot
approach. I quite think that if a more go-ahead
company had had the management of the Broad
Gauge track, they would not now be on the point of
abolishing it altogether. I have met with and spoken
to a great many travellers in my time, and I have in-
variably heard from them that the Broad Gauge is far
and away the most comfortable carriage to ride in, and
1 am sure numbers regret its abolition. The Midland
is, I think, the company that would have given the
Broad Gauge a trial, but any of the northern lines
would have done it more justice than that sleepy
giant, the Great Western Railway.'
Punch lamented the abolition of Brunei's gauge
by a poem written in imitation of ' The Burial of Sir
John Moore,' and with a cartoon representing a Broad
Gauge engine being buried, with the shades of Brunei
and the other Broad Gauge leaders looking on.
'THE BURIAL OF THE "BROAD GAUGE"
May 23, 1892.
NOT a whistle was heard, not a brass bell note,
As his corse o'er the sleepers we hurried ;
Not a fog-signal wailed from a husky throat
O'er the grave where our " Broad Gauge " we buried.
318 A History of the Great Western Railway.
We buried him darkly, at dead of night,
The sod with our pickaxes turning,
By the danger signal's ruddy light,
And our oil lamps dimly burning.
No useless tears, though we loved him well !
Long years to his fire-box had bound us.
We fancied we glimpsed the great shade of Brunei
In sad sympathy hovering round us.
Few and gruff were the words we said,
But we thought, with a natural sorrow,
Of the Narrow Gauge foe of the loco, just dead
We should have to attend on the morrow.
We thought, as we hollowed his big broad bed,
And piled the brown earth o'er his funnel,
How his foe o'er the Great Western metals would tread,
Shrieking triumph through cutting and tunnel.
Lightly they'll talk of him now he is gone,
For the cheap Narrow Gauge has outstayed him ;
Yet Bull might have found, had he let it go on,
That Brunei's Big Idea would have paid him.
But the battle is ended, our task is done,
After forty years' fight he's retiring ;
This hour sees thy triumph, O Stephenson ! —
Old " Broad Gauge " no more will need firing.
The " Dutchman" must now be "divided in two"-
Well, well, they sha'n't mangle or mess you !
Accept the last words of friends faithful, if few : —
" Good-bye, poor old ' Broad Gauge,' God bless you ! "
Slowly and sadly we laid him down ;
He has filled a great chapter in story.
We sang not a dirge, we raised not a stone,
But we left the " Broad Gauge " to his glory ! '
A clever acrostic appeared in a railway paper at
the time of the conversion, which we append,—
' Brunei's pet lamb is doomed, and soon will surely die —
Relentless outstretched hands upon its head do lie ;
O'er all the world it has a famous name achieved :
Adieu ! the end has come, and 'tis by many grieved.
Down by the rocks 'twas reared, and grew a noble form —
The Final Conversion. 319
Great Western Railway men know how it braved the storm.
A rival bold and strong put forth its claim to stand,
Upon the lamb's own ground to fix its iron band.
Grand efforts men have made to stay this giant's tread ;
Each struggle fainter grew — and now " Broad Gauge " is dead ! '
We have pointed out some of the disadvantages of
the change of gauge, and have sought in vain for some
of the advantages ; but, no doubt, others can see them
clearly, and will not be at all backward in introducing
them to both the reader's and the writer's notice.
CHAPTER XXI.
CONCLUSION.
As a conclusion to this attempt to give an account of
the Broad Gauge portion of the Great Western Rail-
way from its inception to the present day (a task
involving no small amount of research and labour),
we append the following statistical information, ex-
tracted from the official report of the Directors
for the half-year ending 3Oth June 1894, and pre-
sented to the shareholders at the One hundred and
eighteenth half-yearly meeting. As to whether the
Great Western is the leading railway is a moot point.
Some authorities assign the premier position to the
Great Western, and others to the London and North
Western, while all agree in placing the Midland third.
At all events the Great Western is first in the number
of miles worked, although much of it is single track ; it
is second with regard to receipts from passenger traffic,
and third in the amount of capital — the London and
North Western and Midland being first and second
respectively. In the matter of total income, the
London and North Western is again first, while the
Great Western and Midland both run very close for
second place.
CAPITAL RECEIVED.
Shares and Stocks, .
Loans, ....
Debenture Stock,
Rent Charges, .
Stratford Canal Annuities,
Premium on Stocks and Shares,
;£59>°59>493 ° °
2,350 o o
18,120,884 o o
53,700 10 o
58,750 ° o
4,314,670 7 7
Total Capital received, . ^81,609,847 17 7
320
Conclusion. 321
f
CAPITAL EXPENDITURE,
Lines open for traffic, . . . ^67,929,662 9 o
Lines in course of construction, . 96,050 2 4
Working Stock, .... 10,010.081 15 3
Subscriptions to other railways, viz.,
Abbotsbury, Alexandra (New-
port) Dock, Bala and Festiniog,
Corwen and Bala, Great Marlow,
Limerick and Kerry, Marl-
borough, Oldbury, Princetown,
Somersetshire Coal, Somerset
and Dorset, Staines and West
Drayton, Swindon Water Works,
Tiverton and North Devon,
Waterford and Central Ireland,
Waterford, Dungarven and Lis-
niore, and West London Exten-
sion Railways, .... 758,069 6 7
Docks, ' 648,837 o i
Steamboats, ..... 346,056 7 i
Leased Lines, ..... 59^09 6 i
Canals, 748,091 8 o
Joint Lines, Debentures paid off or
Debts assumed, . . . 471,800 o o
Total expenditure of Capital, . ^81,068,457 14 5
MILEAGE STATEMENT.
Lines owned by Great Western Railway, . . 1925!
Lines partly owned by Great Western Railway, . 192
Lines leased, rented or worked over, . . . 488^
Foreign lines worked over, . . . . 85
Total Miles worked by Great Western Railway, . 2691
TRAIN MILES RUN DURING HALF-YEAR.
Passenger, ....... 9,247,662
Goods and Minerals, ..... 9,405,715
Total, . 18,653,377
ROLLING STOCK.
Engines, 1710; Tenders, 873; Royal Carriages, 3;
First-Class Carriages, 228; Composites, 1067; Second-
322 A History of the Great Western Railway.
Class, 175; Third-Class, 2288; Brake Parcel and Mail
Vans, 979; Carnage Trucks, 351; Horse Boxes, 565.
Total Coaching Vehicles^ 5656.
Merchandise and Minerals. — Open Waggons, 31,525;
Covered Waggons, 6034; Coke Trucks, 2322; Cattle
Trucks, 1930; Timber Trucks, 2410; Brake Vans, 1139;
Pilot Vans, 8 ; Permanent Way Trucks, 1436. Total Goods
Vehicles^ 46,804.
RECEIPTS (6 MONTHS).
Passengers, Parcels and Mails, . . . ^1,908,353
Merchandise, Live Stock, etc., . . . 1,275,366
Minerals, ....... 1,142,830
Total, . ^4,32^549
EXPENDITURE (6 MONTHS).
Maintenance of Way, ..... ^£516,654
Locomotive and Carriage Stock, . . . 869,642
Traffic and General Charges, .... 889,107
Government Duty, Rates and Taxes, . . 169,193
Total, . ,£2,444,596
Total Profit for Half-year from all
sources, . , . . . ;£i,999>302 7 9
PASSENGERS CARRIED IN 6 MONTHS.
First-Class, 694,190 producing ^"118,931 17 5
Second-Class 2,241,573 „ 131,850 6 5
Third-Class, 27,700,731 „ 1,224,906 o 5
Total 30,636,494
20,019 Season Tickets produced . 67,244 u 4
^1,542,932 15 7
During the half-year the Great Western Railway
paid to forty-two other railways for rent of leased lines,
etc., .£143,332, 43. 9d. The companies were, Abbots-
Conclusion. 323
bury, Abingdon, Bala and Festiniog, Banbury and
Cheltenham, Birkenhead, Birmingham and Henley-in-
Arden, Bridport, Buckfastleigh, Totnes and South
Devon, Cornwall Minerals, Corwen and Bala, Devon
and Somerset, Didcot, Newbury and Southampton, Ely
Valley, Forest of Dean Central, Halesowen, Hammer-
smith and City, Helston, Herefordshire and Gloucester-
shire Canal Company, Kington and Eardisley, Leo-
minster and Kington, Llangollen and Corwen, Marl-
borough, Milford, Minehead, Nantwich and Market
Drayton, Oldbury, Princetown, Ross and Monmouth,
Shewsbury and Hereford (including Tenbury), Shews-
bury and Welspool, Staines and West Drayton, Teign
Valley, Tiverton and North Devon, Vale of Llangollen,
Vale of Towy, Victoria Station and Pimlico, Wenlock
and Wenlock Extensions, West Cornwall, West
London, West Somerset, Weymouth and Portland,
and Wye Valley. This list does not include the many
railways formerly independent, but now amalgamated
with the Great Western ' Railway. All those men-
tioned above are still semi-independent companies.
These extracts from the report will show the im-
portant position held by the Great Western Railway
in the railway systems of the world.
APPENDIX
APPENDIX A.
REPORT OF GREAT WESTERN RAILWAY DIRECTORS TO
SHAREHOLDERS IN FAVOUR OF THE CONTINUANCE
OF THE BROAD GAUGE.
DECEMBER 1838.
' IT may be here concisely stated that Mr Wood deduces
from experiments upon the performance of engines on the
Great Western and other lines that, although a higher rate of
speed has been attained on the former, it would appear only
to be accomplished by the increased power of the engines,
with a much greater consumption of coke when calculated
per ton per mile. He ascribes this result principally to the
resistance presented by the atmosphere to the motion of
railway trains, especially at high rates of speed. His re-
marks on that subject are qualified, however, by the expres-
sion of a doubt as to the value to be assigned to the single set
of experiments of each of two inclined planes, which are
quoted as the authority for the degree of atmospheric resist-
ance supposed to have been discovered. The reduction of
friction by the employment of wheels of increased diameter,
and the benefit of lowering the carnages between the wheels,
are affirmed by Mr Wood as incontrovertible. The increased
stability, and consequent increased steadiness of motion to
carriages on the wider base are also admitted by him.
The various propositions of doubtful advantage from the
wide gauge, as well as of alleged objection to it, appear to
have been thoroughly considered in the Report in question.
The experiments on the consumption of coke at high veloci-
ties were unfavourable, and, in connection with the theory of
atmospheric resistance, appear to have influenced the mind of
Mr Wood to consider that a 7 feet gauge was beyond the
width which he would deem the best. At the same time,
326 Appendix.
upon a review of all the circumstances, and considering that
there are counteracting advantages incidental to an increased
width of gauge, he does not think that the result of his
inquiries would justify a change in the dimensions adopted
on this line, and he recommends the present width should be
retained. The advice thus given by Mr Wood, upon mature
reflection, being directly at variance with the conclusion at
which Mr Hawkshaw had previously arrived upon an investi-
gation similarly delegated to him, it became the duty of the
Directors to consider most attentively the train of reasoning
and argument which led the latter to urge such an opposite
course. Naturally expecting from that circumstance to find
in his Report a clear and definite statement of the positive
loss or disadvantages accruing from the increased width of
gauge, the Directors could not fail to remark with some
surprise that he enforces his recommendation, not upon any
ascertained injury or failure in the plan, but almost exclu-
sively upon the presumption that all railways, however dis-
connected or locally situated, should be constructed of one
uniform width. While he appears to think that it might be
an improvement to have an addition of a few inches, 5 or
6 at the most, he still questions the expediency of any
variation from the 4 feet 8£ inch gauge. Mr Hawkshaw,
in his Report, also considers any additional expense upon the
gauge, as well as upon the improvement of gradients, to be
undesirable, and assumes it at a scale of augmentation far
beyond the real difference of cost.
His estimates on that head are impeached in the engineer's
observations, and no doubt exists in the minds of the Directors,
that the subject, reduced to a mere question of figures, in
its present position, would undeniably show a pecuniary loss
to be borne by the Company by any such change of system
as he advocates, even if it were on other grounds deemed
advisable. The objection that the wide gauge might pre-
vent a junction with other lines seems both to Mr Wood
and the Directors to have but little weight, as applied to
the Great Western Railway. Already has the same width
been contemplated and provided for in the extension lines
through Gloucestershire to Cheltenham, and from Bristol to
Exeter. Any local branches hereafter to be made would
undoubtedly follow the same course, and the proprietors
therefore, may be satisfied that no apprehension need be
entertained by them on that head.
The advantage of following Mr Wood's advice, in not
making any alteration in the width of way, has been since
Appendix. 327
most forcibly shown by more recent experiments, which
have entirely changed the results upon which the chief
objections to the gauge were founded. The performance
of the engines, shown by Mr Wood's experiments in
September, gave such a disproportionate result in their
power upon the attainment of high velocities as to render
it all but impossible that the effect could be entirely pro-
duced by the action of the atmosphere on the trains. All
doubts were shortly removed by its being ascertained that
a different cause (a mere mechanical defect in the engine
itself) had been in operation. If Mr Wood has witnessed
these recent performances of the engines, he must unques-
tionably have changed his opinions as to the means and
practicability of carrying full average loads at a high speed,
without the great increased expense of fuel. The Directors
have satisfied themselves of this very important fact, by person-
ally attending an experiment (accompanied by several gentle-
men, among whom was a very eminent practical mechanic),
on which occasion the ' North Star ' took a train of carriages,
calculated for 166 passengers, and loaded to 43 tons, to
and from Maidenhead, at a mean average speed of 38 miles
per hour, the maximum being 45 miles per hour, consuming
only 0.95, or less than I Ib. of coke per net ton per mile
instead of 2.76, say 2f Ibs., as previously shown. This was
accomplished by a mere altered proportion in the blast pipe
of the engine, in the manner explained by Mr Brunei, being
a simple adaptation of size in one of the parts, which admits
of a more free escape of steam from the cylinder after it
has exerted its force on the piston, still preserving sufficient
draft in the fire.
It must be almost needless to point out to those who
have perused the reports how importantly this change bears
upon the subject in almost every relation of the inquiry.
It negatives the assumption that the velocity can only be
attained by a ruinous loss of power. It establishes beyond
doubt that the consumption of fuel, as now ascertained, in
proportion to the load, is only one-third of that which from
the former experiments had been the basis of Mr Wood's
arguments. An analysis in the Report of the performance
of the Great Western engines, with heavy loads, varying
from 80 tons to 166 tons, shows in every respect a peculiarly
satisfactory result at a small cost of fuel, and warrants
the expectation of very great benefit to the Company from
the economical transport of goods on the line. That the
expenses of locomotive repairs, especially on that heavy
328 Appendix.
class of repair which arise from lateral strains on the wheels
and framing of the engines, have been materially less than
on other lines, is ascertained by very detailed accounts,
accurately made and submitted to the Board by the super-
intendent of that department. The experience of some
months has now enabled the Directors to witness the pro-
gressive improvement in the practical working of the rail-
way. A higher rate of speed has been generally maintained
than on other lines, and at the same time, with that increased
speed, great steadiness of motion has been found in the
carriages, with consequent comfort to the passengers. If
speed, security and comfort were three great desiderata in
the original institution of railway travelling, the Directors
feel sure that the public will appreciate and profit by any
improvements in those qualities, the Company deriving ample
remuneration in the shape of increased traffic. A saving
of time upon a long journey, with increased comfort, will
necessarily attract to one line, in preference to another,
many travellers from beyond the ordinary distance of local
connection, and will thus secure a valuable collateral trade
which would not otherwise belong to it It has also a
decided tendency to avert competition, which may, with
much reason, be regarded as the chief peril to which railway
property is subjected. The Directors, upon a deliberate
reconsideration of all the circumstances affecting the per-
manent welfare of the undertaking, divesting the question
of all personal partialities or obstinate adherence to a system,
unanimously acquiesce in the abandonment of the piles, in
the substitution of a greater scantling of timber, and of a
heavier rail, retaining the width of gauge, with the continuous
timber bearings, as the most conducive to the general interests
of the Company.
APPENDIX B.
REPORT OF THE GAUGE COMMISSIONERS.
MAY it please your Majesty, — We, the Commissioners ap-
pointed by writ, under your Majesty's Privy Seal, bearing
date the nth of July, in the ninth year of your Majesty's
reign, to inquire whether in future private Acts of Parliament
for the construction of railways, provision ought to be made
for securing an uniform gauge, and whether it would be ex-
pedient and practicable to take measures to bring the rail-
ways already constructed, or in progress of construction, in
Great Britain, into uniformity of gauge, and to inquire whether
any other mode could be adopted of obviating or mitigating
the evil apprehended as likely to arise from the break that
will occur in railway communications from the want of an
uniform gauge, beg dutifully to submit, that we have called
before us such persons as we have judged to be, by reason of
their situation, knowledge, or experience, the most competent
to afford us correct information on the subject of this inquiry,
and we have required the production of such books and
documents, from the various railway companies, as appear to
us to be the best calculated to aid our researches. We have
personally examined into the usual course of proceeding on
various railways both at home and abroad, especially those
which are incident to a break, or interruption of gauge ; and
we have personally inspected several locomotive engines, as
well as mechanical contrivances invented, either for the
general use of railways, or for obviating the special difficulties
presumed to arise from the break of gauge, or otherwise con-
nected with the subject of our inquiry ; and as we believe we
have now carried our investigation to the utmost useful limits,
we feel in a position dutifully to offer to your Majesty the
following Report :—
Section I. ON THE BREAK OF GAUGE. — Our attention
was first directed to ascertain whether the break of gauge
could be justly considered as an inconvenience of such im-
portance as to demand the interference of the Legislature.
Gloucester is the only place where a break of gauge actually
329
330 Appendix.
exists at the present time. It is caused by the meeting at
that place of the Broad or 7 feet gauge with the Narrow or 4
feet 8£ inch gauge. There are other points, however, where
a transfer of goods occurs similar to that which must result
from a break of gauge, and persons well acquainted with
railway traffic have no difficulty in foreseeing the nature of the
inconvenience that would arise from any further intermixture
of gauge ; and we humbly submit the observations that occur
to us as to the whole of this important part of the question.
We will divide the subject of the break of gauge under the
following heads : —
1. Fast or Express Trains. — We believe that the incon-
venience produced by a break of gauge will, in some respects,
be less felt in these than in other trains, because the
passengers travelling by fast trains are usually of a class who
readily submit to many inconveniences for the sake of increased
speed on the journey, and who are perhaps generally less
encumbered with luggage than persons travelling by the
slower trains ; and as it is understood to be the general
practice that no private carriages or horses are conveyed by
these trains, the inconveniences of a break of gauge are
reduced in this instance to the removal of the passengers and
a moderate quantity of luggage ; and although such removal
must create delay and some confusion, as well as personal
discomfort, especially at night and in the winter season,
besides the risk of a loss of luggage, yet we do not consider
the break of gauge, in this instance, as being an inconvenience
of so grave a nature as to call for any legislative measures,
either for its removal or for its mitigation.
2. Ordinary or Mixed Trains. — In these trains the
passengers considerably exceed in number those who travel
by the fast trains, and they have generally a much greater
quantity of luggage. To such travellers a change of carriage
is really a serious inconvenience, and it is a well known fact,
that persons travelling by railways in communication with
each other, but under different managements, endeavour to
make such arrangements as to admit of their travelling by
those trains which afford them the accommodation of
occupying the same carriage from the beginning to the end
of their journey. The managers and directors of railways
are well aware of this feeling, and in some instances where
they do not allow their carriages to run through, yet with a
view of diminishing the inconvenience to which this ex-
poses their passengers, they send a luggage van from
terminus to terminus, to prevent the evil of a removal of
Appendix. 331
the passengers' luggage ; and some railway companies incur
considerable expense in running trains of return empty
carriages, in order to accommodate the public by enabling
travellers to avoid a change of carriage on the journey. It is
by the ordinary or mixed trains that private carriages and
horses are conveyed, and the removal of either from one truck
or horse-box to another, at any part of the journey, would be
attended with inconvenience and delay ; and with regard to
the horses, it would involve considerable risk. We arrive,
therefore, at the conclusion that the break of gauge would
inflict considerable inconvenience on travellers by the trains
now under consideration, and that this inconvenience would
be much increased at points of convergence of more than
2 lines. The change of carriages, horse-boxes and trucks,
and the transference of luggage of an entire train of much
extent, must, even in the daytime, be an inconvenience of a
very serious nature, but at night it would be an intolerable
evil, and we think legislative interference- is called for to
remove or mitigate such an evil.
3. Goods Trains. — From the statements made to us by
carriers on railways, and from our own observation, we are
induced to believe, that not only a considerable degree of
care, judgment and experience is necessary in the stowage
of merchandise in railway waggons, but also that it is desir-
able that, when properly packed, the articles should, generally
speaking, not be disturbed until the journey is completed.
We find that, in the arrangement of merchandise, the heavier
goods are placed at the bottom, and the lighter at the top
of the load, and so secured as to prevent friction as far as
practicable from the jolting of the waggons ; and it is con-
sidered very desirable, with a view to prevent loss by pilfering,
that the sheeting, which is placed over the load, should not
be removed till the completion of the journey. Indeed,
acting upon this principle, carriers find it profitable to send
their waggons partially filled from various stations on the
line, thereby increasing their toll to the railway company,
rather than incur the risk of loss by theft, to which they
would be exposed by uncovering the waggons on the journey,
to fill up with intermediate local goods, waggons that may
nave started with light loads from one of the termini. The
stations for re-arranging the goods trains are therefore as few
as possible; thus, between Leeds and London, the points
for unsheeting the goods waggons are only Derby and
Leicester, and between Liverpool and London, the re-arrange-
ment is confined to Birmingham and Rugby ; and even at
332 Appendix.
those stations, the proportion of waggons which are uncovered
is very small ; indeed, it is stated that at the important town
of Birmingham five-sixths of the waggons pass without re-
arrangement. In the conveyance of machinery and articles
of a similar class, which are both heavy and delicate, it is of
the utmost consequence that the load should not be disturbed
between the beginning and the end of the journey ; a change
of carriage, such as would result in all probability from a
break of the gauge, would altogether prevent the transport
of such articles by this mode of conveyance. We believe that
the traffic upon the line of railway between Birmingham and
Bristol has been greatly restricted by the interruption of
gauge at Gloucester. In respect to the conveyance of
minerals, the inconvenience of a break of gauge would be
1 very serious ; the transfer being attended with an expense,
which would be sensibly felt in consequence of the low rate
of tolls charged on such articles ; moreover, many descriptions
of coal, such as a considerable proportion of that of the
Midland Counties, are subject to great deterioration by break-
age. In regard to various articles of agricultural produce,
the loss by removal would be less than on other classes of
goods ; much inconvenience, however, would be found in the
transfer of timber ; and the difficulty of shifting cattle would
be so great as to present an insurmountable obstacle to such
an arrangement, from the excited state of the animals after
travelling by railway, and the resistance they in consequence
offer when it is attempted to force them a second time into a
railway waggon.
4. Conveyance of Troops. There is another use of rail-
ways which we have deemed it necessary to consider ; we
allude to the transport of your Majesty's troops, with their
military stores, etc., either in the ordinary movements of corps
through the country, in the time of peace, or in the more
pressing and urgent case of their movements for the defence
of the coast, or of the interior of the country. We have care-
fully weighed the important information given to us by the
Quartermaster-General of your Majesty's Forces, as well as
by the Inspector-General of Fortifications, both officers of
great experience ; and we deduce from their opinions, that
although a break of gauge on the line of route would produce
both delay and confusion, yet, that as in time of peace it is
usually practicable to give notice of the intended movements
of a body of troops, the inconvenience of the break of gauge
might be so reduced as not to be an evil of great importance ;
but, in the event of operations for defensive objects against an
Appendix. 333
enemy, the inconvenience would assume a serious character.
It would appear, that for the defence of the coast the proper
course would be to retain the great mass of troops in the
interior of the country to wait until the point selected by the
enemy for his attack should be ascertained with certainty,
and then to move upon that point such an overwhelming
force as should be adequate to the emergency. It is obvious
that the success of such a system of defence must depend
upon the means of conveying the troops with great dispatch,
and without interruption on the journey. The troops should
be carried with their equipments complete in all their details,
and with their artillery and ammunition ; and it therefore
appears indispensably necessary, in order to insure the requi-
site supply of carriages, where perhaps little or no notice can
be previously given, that the whole should be conveyed in -
the same vehicles from the begining to the end of the journey.
The effect of a break of gauge might, in this view of the case,
expose the country to serious danger.
To all classes of merchandise, as well as to all military
operations connected with railways, one general remark will
apply, that, in starting from any one point, it is usually practi-
cable to obtain a sufficient number of waggons for whatever
may be required to leave that point, however irregular the
traffic may be ; but, at the convergence of several lines, where
the greater number might be of a gauge not corresponding to
the gauge of the other lines, if it happened that all were
unusually loaded at the same time, it would probably be im-
possible to provide on the latter an adequate number of
waggons to carry off all the loads thus brought ; the alter-
native would be, on the one hand, to submit to great confusion,
delay and inconvenience on all the converging lines having
the majority on the same gauge ; or, on the other hand, to
maintain on the lines being in the minority a very extensive
stock of carriages, which in general would be totally useless.
There is one point which forcibly presses on our attention,
and the truth of which must be readily acknowledged, but
of which the importance is not at first equally obvious ; it is,
that the greater part of the inconveniences to which we have
alluded are not inconveniences of rare occurrence, and which
would effect only a small number of persons, but, on the
contrary, that many of them would occur several times in the
course of every day to a great number of persons at each
point at which a break of gauge might exist. The cumul-
ative amount of such inconvenience would of necessity be
very considerable ; and we feel bound to sum up our con-
334 Appendix.
elusions by stating that we consider a break of gauge to be a
very serious evil.
Section II. REMEDIES FOR THE EVILS OF BREAKING
GAUGE. — We are now brought to the second stage of our
inquiry, which is, to discover the means of obviating or
mitigating the evil that we find to result from the break of
gauge.
The methods which have been laid before us, as calculated
for this purpose, are as follow: — 1st. What maybe termed
telescopic axle ; an arrangement of the wheels and axles of
carriages, permitting the wheels to slide on the axle so as to
contract or extend the interval between them in such a
manner that they may be adapted to either of the gauges.
2ndly. A form of truck adapted to the Broad Gange, but
carrying upon its upper surface pieces of rail 4 feet 8^- inches
asunder, so that a Narrow Gauge carriage may be run upon
these rails without any disturbance of its wheels. 3rdly. A
method of shifting the bodies of carriages from a platform
and set of wheels adapted for one gauge to a different plat-
form and set of wheels adapted to the other gauge. 4thly.
A proposal to carry merchandise and minerals in loose boxes,
which may be shifted from one truck to another, and of which
one only would probably be carried upon a Narrow Gauge
truck, while two would be conveyed on a Broad Gauge truck.
I. Telescopic Axles. — Of these various methods, the first, if
it admitted of being used safely and extensively, would be,
in its application, the easiest of all. By the operations of
detaching the wheels from one limiting hold, of pushing the
carriage along converging or diverging rails, until its wheels
were brought to the required width, and of then connecting
them by another limiting hold, the transformation of the
Narrow Gauge carriage to the Broad Gauge carriage, or vice
versa, would be completed. But this construction is liable to
grave objections. It is stated to us as a matter of experience
(and we believe it admits of satisfactory explanation), that a
very small unsteadiness of the wheels of a railway carriage
upon the axle renders the carriage liable to run off the rails.
A far more serious objection, however, is, that the safety
of a carriage, and the whole train with which it is connected,
would depend upon the care of the attendant who has to
make the adjustments of the axle slide.
It is true that there are other cases, as in the attendance
on the switches and signals, which depend upon the care of
the person who is stationed to work them ; but the circum-
stances differ very widely. In these cases, the attendant has
Appendix. 335
a single act to perform (or at the utmost, two acts only), he is
not hurried, and his whole attention is concentrated on very
simple duties.
In respect to the shifting axles, the attendant would have
to adjust a great many carriages in succession (as there are
sometimes a hundred waggons in a goods train), the adjust-
ment must be made hurriedly, and often in the night, and the
attendant's thoughts would probably have been partly occupied
with the loading of goods, and other station arrangements.
On the score of danger, therefore, we think that this con-
struction must be at once abandoned. But we think it proper
to add, that if even there were no such essential ground of
objection, a construction of this nature could not be adequately
useful unless it were extended to every carriage which is likely
to pass the station where the break of gauge occurs. Under
the existing system of interchange of carriages, which is
adopted by all the railway companies whose lines communi-
cate, and of which the advantages are recognised in special
clauses of the Acts of Parliament applying to several railways,
carriages belonging to distant railways will frequently be
found at the place of junction of the two gauges. This con-
struction, therefore, would lose much of its utility unless every
railway carriage were made in conformity to it — that is, unless
a vast expenditure of capital, and a corresponding annual ex-
pense in replacing worn-out carriages, etc., were incurred, even
on railways very distant from the break of gauge.
2. Broad Gauge Trucks for Narrow Gauge Carriages. —
The plan of placing a Narrow Gauge carriage upon the top of
a Broad Gauge truck has, on the face of it, this obvious diffi-
culty, that a Broad Gauge carriage cannot be placed in the
same manner upon a Narrow Gauge truck, and, therefore, unless
not only the Broad Gauge railway, but also all others com-
municating with it, be furnished with trucks proper for
carrying Narrow Gauge waggons, and with Narrow Gauge
waggons also, and unless the loads travelling towards the
Narrow Gauge be placed only in these Narrow Gauge waggons,
the system effects nothing as regards the passage in one
direction. But even with regard to the passage from the
Narrow Gauge to the Broad Gauge, the system will not bear
examination. If the trucks are supported on springs, there is
practically a difficulty in running the waggons upon them ;
and if they are not supported on springs, they will sustain
great injury on the journeys. If they are loaded singly, there
will be a great delay ; if they are placed in a row, and the
Narrow Gauge carriages are run through the whole series, very
336 Appendix.
great caution will be necessary to secure each carriage both
in front and in rear. When heavy loads are thus placed in
elevated positions, and when the security of each depends
upon adjustments hurriedly made, there will be the danger to
which we have alluded in noticing the first proposed con-
struction. Finally, an enormous amount of dead weight will
be carried on the Broad Gauge line. We reject this proposal
as entirely inapplicable to the traffic of railways.
3. Shifting Bodies. — The system of shifting the bodies of
carriages from road wheels to railway wheels is practised
successfully in France, where the diligences from Paris to
distant towns, proceeding on road wheels from the Messagerie
of Paris to the railway station, are carried on a peculiar rail-
way truck as far as Rouen and Orleans, and are then again
placed on road wheels to continue their journey. At the low
speeds of the French railways this system is safe, but we
doubt whether it would be safe with the speeds of the English
railways. Moreover, it deprives the railway system of one of
its greatest conveniences, namely, its readiness to receive
almost any number of passengers without warning, and to
carry them to any distance, small or great. Carriers' carts
are also conveyed (but to no great amount) in the same
manner. In France, as we understand, it is not thought
likely that the system will be in any degree retained when
those railways shall have been extended further. The same
remarks, we conceive, would apply entirely, or in a great
measure, to similar proposals for the shifting of the bodies of
railway carriages ; but as this plan has never been strenuously
urged, it is unnecessary to criticise it more minutely.
4. Loose Boxes for Goods. — The system of conveying goods
in loose boxes, carried upon railway trucks, has been seriously
discussed. It has been repeatedly tried, and we are able,
therefore, to give an opinion on it, founded on experience.
The result of this experience is, that in one instance of a
temporary character, where the whole operation was under
the control of one engineer, it succeeded : in other instances,
although always under the control of one engineer or one
company, it has usually failed ; and these failures have
occurred where, from the deterioration, caused by hand-
shifting, to the mineral conveyed, it was matter of anxiety to
avoid transference of the load from one box or waggon to
another, and where no expense was spared in the erection of
machinery proper for the transference of the loose boxes.
These failures, it is to be remarked, occurred in a traffic
which is comparatively regular, viz., that of coal ; in traffic of
Appendix. 337
a less regular character, the causes tending to produce failure
would be very much more numerous. We consider that this
method is totally inapplicable to remedy the inconvenience
of a break of gauge. Some of the witnesses whom we have
examined are of opinion that there would be less difficulty
in unloading the waggons of one gauge and 'placing the
articles in waggons of the other gauge, by having two rows
of waggons on the different gauges, marshalled alongside of
each other ; but having witnessed this process at Gloucester,
we are of opinion that such a system is totally inapplicable to
an extended traffic. We sum up our conclusions on this
head by stating our belief that no method has been proposed
to us which is calculated to remedy, in any important degree,
the inconveniences attending a break of gauge.
Section III. ON UNIFORMITY OF GAUGE. — Considera-
tions on the general policy of establishing an uniformity of
gauge throughout the country. We approach this momen-
tous question with a full conviction of its importance, and of
the responsibility that rests upon us. That an uniformity of
gauge is now an object much to be desired, there can, we
think, be no question. In the earlier period of the railway
history of this country, the great trunk lines were so far separ-
ated as to be independent of each other, and, as it were,
isolated in their respective districts, and no diversity of gauge
was then likely to interfere with the personal convenience or
the commercial objects of the community ; but now that rail-
ways are spreading in all directions, and becoming interlaced
with each other in numerous places, that isolation is removed,
that independence has ceased, and the time has arrived when,
if steps cannot be taken to remove the existing evil of the
diversity of gauge, at least it appears to us imperative that a
wider spread of this evil should be prevented. If we had to
deal with a question not affecting the interests of parties, who
are not only unconnected, but who are opposed to each other
in a spirit of emulation, if not of rivalry ; or if we were dealing
with the property of the public, and not of private trading
companies, we should merely have to consider whether that
uniformity of gauge which we deem to be so desirable, would
be too dearly purchased by an alteration of one gauge to suit
the other, or of both to some fresh gauge which might be con-
sidered preferable to either, if any such there be. But our
position is different from this, since we have to consider not
only the relative length of the different systems, the compara-
tive mechanical efficiency of each, the general superiority of
one above the other, their adaptation to the wants of the
338 Appendix.
country, and the possibility as well as the policy of a change,
but also the pecuniary means of effecting it. We have further
to look to the consequences of an interruption of the traffic
during the progress of an alteration. There is still another
view of the question, and that is, the expediency of having, on
lines of railway, additional rails, so as to afford the facility of
using engines and carriages on both gauges. This expedient,
in whatever form adopted, cannot be considered as free from
difficulties. If two rails, forming a Narrow Gauge way, are
placed between the two rails which form aBroad Gauge way,
carriages of the different gauges may run in the same train,
without alteration even of their buffers, which, in the ordinary
construction of the carriages, correspond exactly on the Broad
and Narrow Gauges. But the expense of such an insertion
would probably be not less than that of an entire change of
gauge, including, in the latter, the change of engines and
carrying stock ; and the complication which it would intro-
duce at the crossings might produce danger to rapid trains,
unless their speed were diminished at approaching such points.
The difficulty of packing the rails, if longitudinal sleepers
were used, would also be much greater than if rails of only a
single gauge were employed. If a single rail were inserted
eccentrically in a Broad Gauge way, so as to form, in con-
junction with one of the Broad Gauge rails, a Narrow Gauge
way, the expense of the insertion, and the danger of the
crossings, as well as the difficulty of packing the rails, would
be somewhat diminished, but it would be imprudent to run
carriages of the different gauges in the same train ; and as it
would probably be the policy of the railway company to adopt
for their own stock of engines only one of the two gauges,
and to interpose those difficulties which amount to a prohibi-
tion of the use of other companies' engines, the inconveniences
of a break of gauge would exist in almost all their force at
every junction of a branch railway on a different gauge. We
consider, therefore, that the general adoption of such a system
ought not to be permitted. We remark, however, that the
difficulties to which we have alluded may be greatly
diminished on any railway where the system of combined
gauges is cordially taken up by the company ; and we think
that great respect ought to be paid to the rights which the
companies may be supposed to possess in the methods or
systems which they have devised or adopted. At the same
time, we lay it down as the first principle, that inter-communi-
cation of railways throughout the country ought, if possible,
to be secured. If, to obtain the last-mentioned object, it
Appendix. 339
should be necessary to alter or make a change in any existing
railways, we think that it may be left as a matter of ulterior
consideration for the Legislature, whether in these limited
instances the combination of gauges may not be allowed.
ON THE BEST GAUGE.
Whatever may be the course which at the present time
circumstances will permit, it will appear from the opinion
we have expressed that we think, abstractedly, equalisation
desirable ; and we shall, therefore, proceed to consider what
gauge would be the best in such a system of equalization.
I. For Safety. — We are of opinion that experience will,
in this matter, afford a better test by which to compare the
systems of the Broad and the Narrow Gauge than any
theory ; and we therefore have made inquiry into the nature
of the accidents recorded in the Official Reports of the
Board of Trade, as well as of such as have happened since
the last Report was published. We find that railway
accidents arise from collisions, obstructions on £he road, points
wrongly placed, slips in cuttings, subsidence of embankments,
a defective state of the permanent way, loss of gauge, broken
or loose chairs, fractures of wheels or axles, etc., and, lastly,
from engines running off the line through some other cause.
Of these several classes of accidents, all except the last are
obviously independent of the gauge ; and with reference to
this last class, we have thought it right to endeavour to
determine whether the advocates of either gauge could fairly
claim, in regard to these accidents, a preference for their
respective systems on the score of greater security to the
traveller. In these lists we find only six accidents of the
kind we are considering recorded from October 1840 to
May 1845, whereas there have been no less than seven within
the last seven months, and these are all attributable to ex-
cessive speed, the majority having happened to express
trains. Of the whole number of these accidents, three have
occurred on the Broad Gauge and ten on the Narrow ; the
former, however, differ in their character from the latter,
the carriages only, in the two last cases, having been off
the line, whereas, in all the ten Narrow Gauge cases, the
engines have run off, and the consequences have been
more fatal. We must here observe, however, that the ex-
tent of the Narrow Gauge lines is 1901 miles, and that
of the Broad only 274 ; therefore the comparison would
be unfavourable to the Broad Gauge if considered merely
34-O Appendix.
with regard to their relative length ; but it must be borne
in mind that the general speed of the Great Western con-
siderably exceeds that of many of the Narrow Gauge lines,
and that some consideration is on this account due to the
Broad Gauge. The primary causes of engines getting off
the rails appear to be overdriving, a defective road, a bad
joint, or a badly-balanced engine. If, in consequence of
heavy rains or other unfavourable circumstances, any part
of the road becomes unsound, the engine sinks on one side
as it passes along such part of the rails, suddenly rises again,
and is thus thrown into a rocking and lateral oscillatory
motion, with more or less of violence, according to the
rate of speed ; and a very similiar effect is produced in
passing at high speeds from one curve to another of different
curvature. A succession of strains is thus thrown upon the
rails, and if, before the rocking subsides, the wheel meets
with a defective rail or chair, which yields to the impulse,
the engine and train are thrown off as a necessary conse-
quence ; but, as far as we can see, such casualties are
equally likely to happen on either gauge, other circum-
stances being similar. It has indeed been stated by some
of the witnesses whom we have examined, that the Broad
Gauge is more liable to such accidents, from the circum-
stance that the length of the engine, or rather the distance
between the fore and hind axle, is less in proportion to
its breadth than in the Narrow Gauge engines, and that
therefore the Broad Gauge engine is liable to be thrown
more obliquely across the lines, and in case of meeting with
an open or defective joint, more liable to quit the rail ; but
we cannot admit the validity of this objection against the
Broad Gauge lines. It may be, that the proportion between
the length and breadth of the engine has some influence
on its motion, and that the motion is somewhat less steady
where the difference between the length and breadth is
considerably diminished, but practical facts scarcely lead
to the conclusion that the safety of the trains is endangered
by the present proportion of the Broad Gauge engines ;
for it appears that on the London and Birmingham Rail-
way, where the engines hitherto employed have been,
generally, short four-wheeled engines, the distance from
axle to axle not exceeding 7 feet, or 7 feet 6 inches, no
such accident as we are considering has been reported ;
and, we are informed by Mr Bruyeres, the superintendent
of that line, that no such accident has ever occurred. The
same remark applies to some other Narrow Gauge lines ;
Appendix. 341
and if, as has been stated, exemption from these accidents
has resulted from the close fixing of the engine and tender
adopted on this line, the same system might be adopted
on any other line, whether on the Broad or Narrow Gauge.
An evil may also sometimes arise in six-wheeled engines,
by the centre of gravity of the engine being brought too
much over the driving-wheels, and the springs being so
adjusted for the sake of the adhesion of the wheels to the
rails, that the front wheels would have little or no weight
to support, and would be thus in a condition, by any irregu-
larity in the road or other obstruction, to be more easily
lifted off the rails. But here, again, if this fault in the con-
struction or adjustment has been anywhere committed, it is a
fault or defect wholly unconnected with the breadth of gauge.
Another cause of unsteady or irregular motion, dangerous
to the safety of the train, has been stated to be the great
overhanging weight beyond the axles _of some engines of
recent construction, and of the weight of' the outside cylinder,
beyond the axle bearings. So far as this construction is
concerned, it certainly appertains to Narrow Gauge lines only,
but at the same time we must remark that it is not essential
to their working.
Upon the whole, therefore, after the most careful con-
sideration of this part of the subject, we feel bound to report
that, as regards the safety of the passenger, no preference is
due, with well-proportioned engines, to either gauge, except
perhaps at very high velocities, where we think a preference
would be due to the Broad Gauge. On this part of the
subject we would beg to point to the nature of the evidence
of Mr Nicholas Wood.
2. Public Accommodation and Convenience. — We have now
to advert to the question of the relative accommodation and
convenience for passengers and goods. The first-class car-
riages of the Broad Gauge are intended to carry eight pas-
sengers in each compartment, and the compartments are
sometimes subdivided by a partition and inside door. On
the Narrow Gauge lines the first-class carriages are usually
constructed to carry only six passengers in each compart-
ment, and we find that about the same width is allowed for
each passenger on both gauges. Some of the original mail
carriages were adapted for four passengers, and we believe
that the public had a preference for these carriages over both
the other descriptions. Until lately the Broad Gauge car-
riages were altogether more commodious than those of the
Narrow Gauge, but recently carriages have been introduced
34 2 Appendix.
on several of the Narrow Gauge lines nearly as lofty as those
on the Broad Gauge, and equally commodious ; in short, we
now see no essential difference as regards accommodation and
convenience to individual passengers in the first-class car-
riages of the two gauges.
In the second-class carriages on the Broad Gauge six
persons sit side by side, each carriage being capable of hold-
ing seventy-two passengers. On the Narrow Gauge, gener-
ally, only four persons sit side by side, the total number in
each carriage being thirty-two ; in this respect we are inclined
to consider the latter are more comfortably accommodated.'
With reference to the ease of the carriage, and the smooth-
ness of the motion, we have had very contradictory evidence,
and it must be admitted that great difference is experienced
on the same line at different times, depending upon the state
of the road, the springs of the carriage, the number of persons
in a carriage, to bring the springs into action, the position of
the carriage in the train, and the speed at which the train is
propelled, all which conditions are independent of the breadth
of gauge. We have, however, with a view of making our own
observations on this question, travelled several times over all
those lines having their stations in London, and after making,
to the best of our judgment, every allowance for the circum-
stances above mentioned, we are of opinion that at the higher
velocities the motion is usually smoother on the Broad Gauge.
It is now to be considered whether either gauge has a
superiority over the other in regard to the conveyance to
general merchandise. Under this head we class manu-
factured goods and their raw materials, mineral products,
such as coal, lime, iron, and other ores ; agricultural pro-
duce, such as corn, hops, wool, cattle and timber. On these
points we have taken the evidence of persons well acquainted
with the carrying trade, and from their information, and our
own observation, it does not appear to be of consequence
to the parties sending or receiving goods whether they are
transmitted in the waggons containing 5 or 6 tons, or
in waggons of larger capacity, provided that the cost and
security are the same, and that the carriers undertake the
responsibility of any damage that may result from the size
of the load. But Messrs Home & Chaplain and Mr Hay-
ward, who are largely interested, and have had great ex-
perience in the carrying trade, have expressed a strong
opinion that the smaller waggon is far the more convenient
and economical. The same opinion is still more strongly
expressed by those witnesses we have examined, who have
Appendix. 343
»
experience of our mineral districts. These persons state
that the smaller waggon can be more easily handled, and
can be taken along sharper curves than would be suited to
a broader waggon ; that such sharp curves are very common
in mineral works and districts, and that the broken nature of
the ground would render curves of greater radius incon-
venient and expensive.
Another important difference between the two gauges,
in this commercial view of the question, would present its-
self in localities in which there may be a difficulty of readily
obtaining full loads for the waggons at road stations. Here
the defect of the dead weight, which we find to apply more
particularly to the Broad Gauge, would be greatly increased,
unless another evil of still greater commercial importance
were created, that of detaining the waggons to receive full
loads. On the whole, therefore, we consider the Narrow
Gauge as the more convenient for the merchandise of the
country.
3. Comparative Speed on the Gauges. — With a view to form
our judgment on this subject, we have examined the time-
tables of the several companies having express and fast
trains, and the returns furnished by those companies of
the actual speeds attained by the express trains on thirty
successive days, from the I5th of June to the I5th of July
1845. We have also, on various occasions, travelled in the
express trains, and noted the speed, mile by mile. The
result has been that we are fully satisfied that the average
speed on the Great Western, both by the express trains and
by the ordinary trains, exceeds the highest speed of similar
trains on any of the Narrow Gauge lines. But some of the
latter have trains which exceed in speed the corresponding
trains of the Bristol and Gloucester line, and also of the
Swindon and Gloucester line, both of which are on the
Broad Gauge ; but these latter, it is to be remembered,
are still of recent construction, with unfavourable curves
and gradients ; and we have been informed by Mr R.
Stephenson, in his evidence, that at one period the speed
on the Northern and Eastern line even exceeded that of
the Great Western.
In treating of a difference in the speed, other circum-
stances besides the mere gauge must be considered. The
inclinations and curves of the Great Western Railway,
between London and Bristol, and even for 40 miles beyond
Bristol, are, with the exception of the Wootton-Basset and
the Box inclines, particularly favourable to the attainment
344 Appendix.
of high velocities ; and it is important to remark that the
inclinations and curves on that part of the Northern and
Eastern Railway, where the competition in speed with the
Great Western was the most successful, are generally of a
similar character. One of the principal motives professed
for constructing the Great Western Railway on the Broad
Gauge was the attaining of high speeds, and the credit of
the proposers and defenders of that construction has there-
fore been deeply engaged in maintaining them. The effect
of gradients on the speed of the Great Western trains, even
with the powerful engines used on that line, is shown in
the time-table (page 24) where we find that, while the
speed from Paddington to Didcot by the express train is
47^ miles per hour, from Didcot to Swindon it is only
41.1; and from Swindon to Gloucester only 31.7; from
Swindon to Bath it is 48.2, but returning only 37.2 ; from
Bristol to Taunton the speed is 46.3, and from Taunton to
Exeter only 39.2.
We must observe, however, that while the Great West-
ern Company have not altered in any degree the plan of
their engines, the higher velocities of the Narrow Gauge
lines have been attained by the introduction of a more
powerful kind of engine than was employed at an earlier
period, and probably the new engines now used on the
Narrow Gauge lines are as powerful as they can well be
made within the limits of their gauge; whereas the Broad
Gauge lines have still a means of obtaining an increase in
the power of their engines, and of increasing their speed
provided the road be in a condition to sustain the great
increased force which must result from any increased
weight of the engine moving at such high velocities.
Whether the permanent way is in such a state at present
is very questionable, or even whether it be possible in all
vicissitudes of weather to maintain it in such a condition.
We ought not to lose sight of the fact that, since the
introduction of express trains, the accidents arising from
engines running off the line have been much more common
than in former years ; indeed, these accidents have been
more numerous within the last seven months than within
the preceding five years, and it is questionable whether
this contest for speed ought to be carried to any greater
length. We are, indeed, strongly inclined to the opinion
stated by several engineers in their evidence, that it is the
stability of the road, and not the power of the engine, that
will prescribe the limits of safe speed.
Appendix. 345
On the first introduction of passenger railways, speeds
of about 12 miles per hour only were anticipated: the rails
then employed weighed only 35 Ibs. per yard, and the
engines about 6 or 7 tons. As soon as speeds of 20 and
24 miles per hour were attempted, it was found necessary
to have rails of 50 Ibs. per yard, and engines weighing
10 and 12 tons. Since that time the rails have been in-
creased in weight progressively to 65, 75, and 85 Ibs. per
yard, and the weight of the engine on the Broad Gauge
exceeds 22 tons, and on the Narrow Gauge it now
approaches 20 tons ; indeed, we have seen a Narrow
Gauge engine on six wheels weighing 30 tons. We
doubt, however, whether a corresponding stability has
been attained in the road itself. Amongst other changes
for increasing the power of the engine and the speed of
the trains of the Narrow Gauge lines, there have been the
giving an increased length to the engine, and the placing
the cylinders on the outside of the -framing ; but it is
the opinion of some of the witnesses we have examined,
that this position of the cylinders has a tendency to pro-
duce a greater wear and tear of the journals, and a con-
sequent rocking and irregular motion of the engine on the
line. This, however, while the engine is of medium length,
has been denied by Mr Locke, who has had great ex-
perience in the working of outside-cylinder engines. But
it is stated by Mr Gray and Mr Gooch, that where the
length of the engine is greatly increased, this increased
length, by causing the extremities of the engine to over-
hang very considerably the fore and hind axles, has a
great tendency to increase the irregular motion produced by
the outside cylinder. Mr R. Stephenson admits that, in some
of the later engines, this irregularity does exist, but he
attributes it to the weight of the piston and its appendages,
observing, ' I do not believe that it is the steam that causes
the irregular action, but I believe it to be the mere weight
of the pistons themselves, and therefore if we could contrive
to balance the piston by the weight upon the wheels, we-
should get rid of that very much.' At all events, from what-
ever cause the motion may arise, the oscillations are very
considerable in some of these long engines, and such as can
scarcely be considered safe at high velocities. This great
length of engine is, however, by no means essential to the
attainment of high speeds on Narrow Gauge lines.
We found, by timing the express trains on four different
journeys on the South Western line, in both directions, that
346 Appendix.
the whole distance was performed very satisfactorily in about
i hour and 52 minutes, including the time of two stop-
pages, being at an average rate of 41 miles per hour, on a
line which, in one direction, rises for a length of more than
40 miles on a very prevailing gradient of I in 330, and in the
other rises for several miles on a gradient of I in 250. On
each occasion a distance of 5 miles on a level part of the
road, was passed at the rate of 53 miles per hour. The
length of the engine boiler was only 8 feet 7 inches ; the
driving wheels 6 feet 6 inches in diameter ; the lead-
ing wheels had both inside and outside bearings. The
diameter of the cylinder in one case was 15 inches, in the
others 14^ inches, both outside, and attached to the smoke-
box.
In proceeding to compare the locomotive engines, we
remark, in the first place, that the fire-boxes, boilers, etc., of
the Narrow Gauge engines still possess a smaller evaporating
power than those of the Broad Gauge engines, although
recent attempts have been made to raise the former to the
level of the latter ; but those attempts have not succeeded ;
and it is indisputable that, whatever can be done for the
Narrow Gauge, in this respect, can be surpassed on the
Broad Gauge. And we concur in opinion with many of the
ablest engineers, who have stated that the engines of both
Gauges have nearly obtained the speed and power which it
would be justifiable to employ in reference to the present
strength of the rails and the firmness of the earthworks. We
remark, in the next place, that the diameter of the driving
wheels of the Broad Gauge engines is greater than that of
the driving wheels of the Narrow Gauge engines ; and
although in many of the Narrow Gauge engines the use
of the external cylinder has enabled the manufacturers to
bring the boilers nearer to the driving wheel axle, and has
thus permitted an increase of the diameter of the wheel,
still it is always in the power of the constructors of Broad
Gauge engines to make a corresponding change, and thus
to maintain the superiority : for the larger diameter of the
wheel is unquestionably favourable to high speed, both be-
cause the steam is used to greater advantage, and because
the alternating shocks upon the machinery are less rapid.
It is, however, extremely difficult to say at what speeds
this advantage becomes appreciable. We think it likely
that, as far as the speeds of 40 miles an hour, there is no
great difference between the two, but that for speeds of
50 or 60 miles an hour, the difference may be worthy of
Appendix. 347
notice. It becomes important, then, to inquire what may
be the greatest speed that will probably be desired or
maintained on railways for ordinary purposes.
It is certain that the wishes of the public will be limited
only by considerations of economy and safety. The greater
the speed the greater will be the cost, and it appears to be
the opinion of many of the officers of railways that it would
be difficult to maintain with safety the present express speeds
upon the great trunk railways.
Impediments to maintaining the present Express Speed. —
The chief of these are — ist. The difficulty of arranging the
trains, where the traffic is frequent, so that the fast trains
shall be entirely protected from the chance of interfering with,
or coming into collision with, the slower trains, or those that
stop at numerous stations. 2d. The difficulty of seeing sig-
nals, especially in foggy weather, in time to enable the engine
driver to stop the fast trains. We feel it a duty to observe
here that the public are mainly indebted for the present rate
of speed, and the increased accommodation of the railway
carriages, to the genius of Mr Brunei, and the liberality of the
Great Western Railway Company. As regards the appli-
cability of the atmospheric principle of traction, or of any
other principle differing from the locomotive, we see no differ-
ence between the two gauges.
4. Comparative Economy. — This next demands our at-
tention, tinder this head we have to consider the cost of
construction, the purchase of the plant, which consists of
engines, of carriages, and of other carrying stock ; and lastly,
the cost 'of working. There can be no question that in the
first construction of a railway the narrower the gauge the
smaller will be the cost of the works. This applies to tun-
nels, bridges, viaducts, embankments, cuttings, sheds, work-
shops, turn-tables, transverse sleepers and ballast, and the
purchase of land ; but it does not affect the rails, fences,
drains and station-houses. The exact difference, however,
must depend, in a great degree, upon local circumstances, and
no opinion can be given of the precise ratio of difference with-
out going into a very minute calculation of each line on which
the two systems are to be compared ; for instance, in a line
free from tunnels or viaducts, and in a flat country, where
there are neither cuttings nor embankments, the difference
would be limited very nearly to the quantity of land to be
purchased (the severance and damage being about equal in
both cases), the amount of ballasting, and some increase in
the cost of the sleepers ; whereas, in a very undulating
348 Appendix.
country the difference would be more considerable. As to
the cost of the maintenance of way, supposing the construc-
tion to be the same, that of the Broad Gauge must be rather
the greater of the two.
In respect to the cost of the engines and carrying stock, we
have to observe that they are generally more expensive on
the Broad than on the Narrow Gauge. But, on the other
hand, it is asserted by the advocates of the Broad Gauge
system that, as the engines will draw greater loads, as the
carriages will accommodate a greater number of passengers,
and as the waggons are capable of conveying a larger amount
of merchandise, the work can be and is done at a less charge
per ton, and that a compensation is thus obtained for the
increased outlay. How far this is found to be practically the
case is the next subject for inquiry. We were very desirous,
if it had been found possible, thoroughly to investigate this
part of the subject by means of the official data called for by
us, and furnished by some of the principal companies, con-
taining a statement of their working expenses ; but we find
the circumstances so different that very little satisfactory in-
formation can be thus obtained that has strictly a reference
to the economy of the two gauges. There are, of course,
various matters that have an influence on the actual cost of
locomotive power and general traffic charges, that are in no
way connected with the breadth of gauge ; such as the nature
of the curves and gradients, the price of coke, the general
nature of the traffic, the mode of working that traffic as
adopted by different companies, the employment of engines
of greater or less power, that increased accommodation to the
public which involves an extra expense for return carriages,
etc., etc.
The London and Birmingham, and the Great Western
Railway, as Metropolitan lines of great traffic and of con-
siderable length, would, at first sight, appear to furnish the
best means of comparison, and there is, in fact, no difficulty
in comparing the actual expenses ; but these lines differ
essentially in the character of their gradients, and in the
amount of traffic, estimated at per mile, and, above all, they
differ in the character of the engines they employ. The
London and Birminghrm Company have, from the com-
mencement, persevered in the use of light four-wheeled
engines, while the Great Western, availing themselves of the
facilities their gauge affords, have adopted large and powerful
engines, which are worked at nearly the same cost per mile
as the former ; and if such engines as those on the London
Appendix. 349
and Birmingham line were essential to the Narrow Gauge,
the question as to the economy of working might be at once
decided in favour of the Broad Gauge, but this is by no means
the case ; several Narrow Gauge lines employ engines of great
power, and work, in consequence, much more cheaply than
the London and Birmingham ; therefore the comparison be-
tween the working expenses of this line and of the Great
Western can only be considered as a test of the principle
of working with light and with heavy engines, and not
as furnishing a test of the working economy of the two
gauges.
It is a common practice with different railway companies,
in their half-yearly reports to their proprietors, to state the
percentage of their various expenses, under a few distinct
heads; as compared with their revenue ; and from these it
appears that on the Great Western the locomotive charges,
during a period of three years, have varied between 8.8 and
1 1. 1, averaging 9.7 per cent, on their- income, and on the
London and Birmingham they have varied, within the same
period, between 7.9 and 10.36, averaging about 8.6 per cent,
on their income ; and therefore, on a superficial view of the
question, the London and Birmingham would appear to have
worked their line at a cheaper rate; but valid objections
have been made to this comparison on the part of the Great
Western ; because it is obvious, from the several returns we
have received, that the London and Birmingham Company
has far the more abundant traffic per mile, and ought there-
fore to be expected to perform its work at a less percentage
on its income. It has been stated by Mr Gooch that, as
locomotive superintendent on the Great Western, he is called
upon to supply a certain amount of locomotive power, and
that the cost of such power is almost entirely irrespective of
the load or number of passengers it is made to draw ; but
that these numbers are of great importance in comparing the
locomotive expenses with the revenue.
In page 27 of the Appendix to this Report, an abstract and
comparative table are given, founded on returns furnished by
the Great Western and London and Birmingham Railway
Companies, showing that the revenue derived from the pas-
sengers train is 64 per cent, greater per mile worked, on the
latter than on the former line. It must therefore be obvious
that, as a test of economy for working, we cannot adopt the
principle of a percentage on the revenue, neither will the cost
per mile run give a more just comparison as to the economy
of the two systems, because it is a well-known fact that the
3 5 o Appendix.
London and Birmingham Company have been conveying
their traffic with engines of inadequate power, and that great
economy would result to them by the adoption of larger
engines. Other difficulties also occur in the comparison of
these expenses on different lines, in consequence of the
difference in the form of the accounts, and of the circum-
stance of one company adopting the principle of having a
reserve fund for renewals, and other companies having no
such fund.
Working Expenses of Great Western as a Narrow Gauge
Line. — We are therefore of opinion that the most satisfactory
comparison that can be made of the economy of working the
two gauges will be by applying to first principles, endeavour-
ing merely to determine what the working expenses of the
Great Western line, with their present amount of traffic,
would have been, provided it had been made a Narrow Gauge
line, and worked with such engines as those employed on the
South Western and some other Narrow Gauge lines. The
average weight of a passenger train on the Great Western
Railway (independent of the engine and tender, which weigh
33 tons) appears, by the returns sent to us, to be 67 tons ;
and the average number of passengers per train for the half-
year ending the 3<Dth of June 1845 is only 47.2, whilst the
weight, including their luggage, may be estimated at about
5 tons. Mr Gooch estimates each carnage and its pas-
sengers on the Broad Gauge to weigh about g\ tons, and
therefore there would be seven carriages to make up the 67
tons above specified. The most commodious carriages on
the Narrow Gauge lines, such as those on the South Western,
weigh less than 5 tons ; seven such carriages would there-
fore weigh about 34 tons, and being capable of containing 126
first-class passengers, weighing, with their luggage, \2\ tons,
the total load would be only 46^ tons. Now we find that,
even with a traffic as large as that of the London and
Birmingham Railway, the average per train would only be
84.9 passengers, weighing about 8 tons ; so that, under the
supposition of a traffic of this extent, the load of the seven
Narrow Gauge carriages so occupied would only be 42 tons.
But Mr Gooch estimates, from his own experiments, the
relative powers of traction of the Broad Gauge engines, and
of the Narrow Gauge engines of the South Western Railway
when working at the same speed, as 2067 to 1 398, or as 67,
the load of the Broad Gauge in tons, to 45 tons, which would
be the corresponding load for the Narrow Gauge ; so that the
Narrow Gauge engine has more power over the 42 tons it
Appendix. 3 5 1
would have to draw than the Broad Gauge has over its
average load of 67 tons, both exclusive of the weight of the
engine and tender — the Narrow Gauge carriage in this
supposition being supposed to contain 84.9 passengers, and
the Broad Gauge only 47.2. If, however, it were necessary,
224 first-class passengers might be placed in the seven Broad
Gauge carriages, and, as it has before been said, 126 in the
seven Narrow Gauge carriages ; but it appears likely that
this extent of accommodation would only be called for on
such rare occasions that the question of providing for it,
except by assistant power, cannot be taken into consideration
in the present comparison.
It is obvious, from the foregoing statement, that the
Narrow Gauge engine of the class we have been considering
has more power over the seven Narrow Gauge carriages and
a load of 126 passengers, than the Broad Gauge engine has
over the seven Broad Gauge carriages and the load of the
same number of passengers ; and that, therefore, if the
Great Western had been a Narrow instead of a Broad Gauge
line, the South Western engines would have had the same
command over the existing passenger traffic of the Great
Western as its own engines now have with the present con-
struction of that railway. We must remark, however, that
this calculation is for trains consisting exclusively of
passengers and their personal luggage. In the Great
Western average trains of 67 tons there is an allowance of
about 1 6 tons for passengers and luggage, including gentle-
men's carriages. Allowing the same weight of luggage on
the Narrow Gauge line, the train would still not exceed 50
tons, which is considerably within the power of the Narrow
Gauge engine. For it appears, by the experiments that have
been recently made on the Great Western Railway, the
details of which are given in the Appendix to the evidence,
that the Great Western engine is capable of propelling 83
tons at a greater speed than the average speed of that line ;
.and, consequently, by the proportion above stated, the
Narrow Gauge engine would be capable of propelling 55 tons
at the same rate. We conclude, therefore, that the work
would be performed at about the same expense for loco-
motive power. That there may be cases in which not only
the full power of a Broad Gauge engine is required, but even
the assistance of a second engine, is quite certain, but such
trains form the exception and not the rule in railway
passenger traffic, and we doubt the soundness of a prin-
ciple which involves a great expense in construction, for
35 2 Appendix.
the sake of possessing capabilities so seldom called into
action.*
It is proper to observe that the foregoing comparison
would have appeared to stand more in favour of the Narrow
Gauge had we taken for the engine of comparison one of
those engines of whose increased capabilities some of the
supporters of the Narrow Gauge system have informed us ;
but we have preferred the comparison afforded with the
South Western engine, from its being the one on which Mr
Gooch, of the Great Western Railway, superintended the
recorded experiments, — hence, our deductions are made from
data furnished by the advocates of the Broad Gauge system,
without drawing anything from the evidence on the other
side ; and as these deductions sufficiently demonstrate that
there is no economy in the locomotive expenses for passenger
trains resulting from working a line on the Broad Gauge
system, even on such lines of those which have at the present
moment the most abundant passenger traffic, any analysation
of the evidence offered in support of the Narrow Gauge
system appears to us to be quite superfluous.
There is one point, however, stated in Mr Gooch's
comparative table, and repeated in his evidence, which
appears so much at variance with the results obtained
from other data, as to require explanation. Mr Gooch
has asserted that the Great Western Company work their
passenger trains at half the expense per ton at which the
London and Birmingham Company work their passenger
trains. The fact is, however, that Mr Gooch's calculations
refer to the gross and not to the net loads : and, therefore,
the comparison is not applicable so far as regards the profits
of these companies, and affords no proof of economy in work-
ing the passenger traffic on the Great Western system.
There can be no doubt, judging both from Mr Brunei's
evidence given to us, and from his Report to the Directors
of the Great Western Railway Company, that he originally
expected there would be on the Great Western Railway a
demand for carrying a great number of passengers at high
velocities ; but from his own evidence it appears that the
only heavy passenger traffic upon that railway is between
London and Reading, and between Bath and Bristol, being
a total distance of about 50 miles out of the 245.
* It appears that during the half-year ending the 3Oth June 1845, the number
of miles run by coupled and assisting engines for passenger trains on the Great
Western Railway amounted to 11,628, and for goods trains to 51,155. The total
number of miles run by the former trains being 761,483, and of the latter 159,324-
Appendix. 353
On the remaining part of the line the passenger traffic
per train is small.
If the convenience of the public would admit of the whole
of the passenger traffic of this portion of the line being con-
veyed daily by two or three large trains, Mr Brunei's views
would have been perfectly correct in providing such power-
ful means ; but experience has proved that the public require
passenger trains to be run many times during the day, and
with this frequency of trains, such numbers of passengers as
Mr Brunei has provided for cannot be expected even on rail-
ways of the largest traffic, so that practically there is a waste
both of power and of means. In the case of ' goods traffic,'
the circumstances are not the same ; railway conveyance for
merchandise seems only to be required a few times in each
day, and the trains are generally large. The ' through '
waggons have for the most part a full load, and the dispro-
portion between the gross and the net weight is consequently
much less than in the passenger trairjs; still, however, it
appears from the evidence of Mr Home, and of other persons
connected with the carrying trade, that on the London and
Birmingham Railway it frequently happens that waggons
are forwarded to a considerable distance, to ' road-side
stations,' containing not more than a ton of goods ; and
there can be no doubt that this must happen on any long
line of railway. The same also occurs in waggons coming in
from branches along the trunk line, and in all such cases the
heavy, large waggon of the Broad Gauge must be disadvan-
tageous ; but although the evil is not so great with goods
waggons of the Broad Gauge as with their passenger carriages,
still the loss by dead weight is greater with these than with
smaller waggons, and we do not perceive any advantages in
the Broad Gauge to counterbalance it ; for where speed is not
an object, and this is the case with goods trains, we believe,
from the evidence we have received, that engines of nearly the
same tractive power are to be found on many Narrow Gauge
lines as those in use on the Broad Gauge.
Thus far we have considered the question with reference
to the railways as they now exist, and composed in a great
measure of trunk lines of considerable traffic ; but the railways
to be made in future will in some degree be branches or lines
in districts having traffic of less magnitude than is to be pro-
vided for in the existing railways ; and hence, if for the
greater trunk lines a superiority were due to the Broad Gauge
system, that superiority would be less for lines yet to be con-
structed of a smaller amount of traffic ; and necessarily, if the
354 Appendix.
preferenc ewere given to the Narrow Gauge for the existing
lines, that system would be still more entitled to the preference
for the railways of smaller traffic to which we look forward.
Experiments on the Gauges. — We must here add that,
towards the close of our inquiry, Mr Brunei requested, on the
part of the Broad Gauge companies, to institute a set of ex-
periments to test the power of their engines ; and Mr Bidder,
on the part of the Narrow Gauge companies, undertook, in
consequence of such application, to make corresponding ex-
periments on the Narrow Gauge. After sanctioning these
trials, and being present at the performance of them, we may
observe, without entering into a minute detail of the results,
of the discrepancies between the returns as furnished by the
two parties themselves, that we consider them as confirming
the statements and results given by Mr Gooch in his evidence,
proving, as they do, that the Broad Gauge engines possess
greater capabilities for speed with equal loads, and, generally
speaking, of propelling greater loads with equal speed ; and,
moreover, that the working with such engines is economical
where very high speeds are required, or where the loads to be
conveyed are such as to require the full power of the engine.
They confirm, also, the evidence given by Mr Bidder as to
the possibility of obtaining high evaporative power with long
engines for the Narrow Gauge, but under somewhat peculiar
circumstances. It appears, moreover, that the evaporation
thus obtained does not produce a corresponding useful effect
in the tractive power of the engine ; a circumstance that
would probably be differently explained by Mr Gooch and
by Mr Bidder ; but as we do not refer to the power of this
description of engine in the deductions we have made, it is
unnecessary for us to allude further to them.
GENERAL CONCLUSION.
After a full consideration of all the circumstances that
have come before us, and of all the deductions we have made
from the evidence, we are led to conclude : —
First. That as regards the safety, accommodation and con-
venience of the passengers, no decided preference is due to
either gauge, but that on the Broad Gauge the motion is
generally more easy at high velocities.
Secondly. That in respect of speed, we consider the ad-
vantages are with the Broad Gauge, but we think the public
safety would be endangered in employing the greater
Appendix. 355
capabilities of the Broad Gauge much beyond their present
use, except on roads more consolidated and more substantially
and perfectly formed than those of the existing lines.
Thirdly. That in the commercial case of the transport of
goods, we believe the Narrow Gauge to possess the greater
convenience, and to be the more suited to the general traffic
of the country.
Fourthly. That the Broad Gauge involves the greater outlay,
and that we have not been able to discover, either in the
maintenance of way, in the cost of locomotive power, or in
the other annual expenses, any adequate reduction to com-
pensate for the additional first cost.
Therefore, esteeming the importance of the highest speed
on express trains for the accommodation of a comparatively
small number of persons, however desirable that may be to
them, as of far less moment than of affording increased con-
venience to the general commercial traffic, we are inclined to
consider the Narrow Gauge as that which should be preferred
for general convenience; and, therefore, if it were imperative to
produce uniformity, we should recommend that uniformity
to be produced by an alteration of the Broad to the Narrow
Gauge, more especially when we take into consideration that
the extent of the former at present in work is only 274 miles,
while that of the latter is not less than 1901 miles, and that
the alteration of the former to the latter, even if of equal
length, would be the less costly, as well as the less difficult
-operation.
We are desirous, however, of guarding ourselves from
being supposed to express an opinion that the dimension of
4 feet 8| inches is in all respects the most suited for the general
objects of the country. Some of the engineers who have
bt-en examined by us have given it as their opinion that 5
feet would be the best dimension for a railway gauge, others
have suggested 5 feet 3 inches, 5 feet 6 inches, and even 6
feet, but none have recommended so great a breadth as 7
feet, except those who are more particularly interested in the
Broad Gauge lines. Again, some engineers of eminence
contend that a gauge of 4 feet 8| inches gives ample space
for the machinery of the engine and all the railway require-
ments, and would recommend no change to be made in the
gauge.
We may observe, in reference to this part of the question
that the Eastern Counties Railway was originally constructed
on a gauge of 5 feet, and has since been converted into a
gauge of 4 feet 8| inches, to avoid a break of gauge ; and we
356 Appendix.
have been informed that some lines in Scotland, originally on
the gauge of 5 feet 3 inches, are about to be altered to 4 feet
8| inches for the same reason.
Whatever might be the preferable course were the question
now to be discussed of the gauge for an entire system of rail-
ways, where none previously existed to clash with the decision,
yet under the present state of things we see no sufficient
reason to suggest or recommend the adoption of any gauge
intermediate between the Narrow Gauge of 4 feet 8| inches,
and the Broad Gauge of 7 feet, and we are peculiarly struck
by the circumstance that almost all the Continental railways
have been formed upon the 4 feet 8| inch gauge, the greater
number having been undertaken, after a long experience of
both the Broad and the Narrow Gauge in this country ; nor
must the fact be lost sight of, that some of these railways
have been constructed as \vell as planned by English
engineers, and amongst that number we find Mr Brunei, the
original projector of the Broad Gauge. Mr Brunei was also
the engineer of the Merthyr Tydvil and Cardiff Line, which is
on the 4 feet 8| inch gauge ; and we think that the motives
which led to his adoption of the Narrow Gauge in that in-
stance would equally apply to many English lines.
We are sensible of the importance, in ordinary circum-
stances, of leaving commercial enterprise as well as the
genius of scientific men unfettered ; we therefore feel that the
restriction of the gauge is a measure that should not be
lightly entertained ; and we are willing to admit, were it not
for the great evil that must inevitably be experienced when
lines of unequal gauges come into contact, that varying
gradients, curves and traffic, might justify some difference in
the breadth of gauge. This appears to be the view which Mr
Brunei originally took of the subject ; for the Great Western
proper is a line of unusually good gradients, on which a large
passenger traffic was anticipated, and as it touched but
slightly on any mineral district, it embraced all the conveni-
ences and advantages of the Broad Gauge system, and was
comparatively free from the influence of those defects on
which we have commented ; but such a breadth of gauge,
however suitable and applicable it may have originally been
considered to its particular district, appears wholly in-
applicable, or at least very ill-suited, to the requirements of
many of our northern and midland lines.
In reference to the branches already in connection with
the Great Western Railway, we may observe that the greatest
average train on the Oxford branch, for two weeks in July
Appendix. 357
and October was only 48 tons ; on the Cheltenham
branch it did not exceed 46 ; between Bristol and Exeter
53; and between Swindon and Bristol, it was under
60 tons. With such a limited traffic the power of the
Broad Gauge seems beyond the requirements of these
districts.
We find, from an estimate furnished to us, and the general
grounds of which we see no reason to dispute, that the ex-
pense of altering the existing Broad Gauge to Narrow Gauge
lines, including the alteration or substitution of locomotives
and carrying stock, would not much exceed .£1,000,000; yet
we neither feel that we can recommend the Legislature to
sanction such an expense from the public moneys, nor do we
think that the companies to which the Broad Gauge railways
belong can be called upon to incur such an expense them-
selves (having made all their. works with the authority of
Parliament), nor even the more limited expense of laying
down intermediate rails, for Narrow Gauge traffic. Still less
can we propose, for any advantage that has been suggested,
the alteration of the whole of the railways of Great Britain,
with their carrying stock and engines, to some intermediate
gauge. The outlay in this case would be very much more
considerable than the sum above mentioned ; and the evil,
inconvenience, and danger to the traveller, and the interrup-
tion to the whole traffic of the country for a considerable
period, and almost at one and the same time, would be such
that this change cannot be seriously entertained.
PRACTICAL RECOMMENDATIONS.
Guided by the foregoing considerations, we must dutifully
submit to your Majesty the following recommendations : —
First. That the gauge of 4 feet 8| inches be declared by
the Legislature to be the gauge to be used in all public rail-
ways now under construction, or hereafter to be constructed
in Great Britain.
Second. That, unless by the consent of the Legislature, it
should not be permitted to the directors of any railway company
to alter the gauge of such railway.
Third. That in order to complete the general chain of
Narrow Gauge communication from the North of England to
the Southern Coast, any suitable measure should be promoted
to form a Narrow Gauge link from Oxford to Reading, and
thence to Basingstoke, or by any shorter route connecting the
358 Appendix.
proposed Rugby and Oxford Line with the South Western
Railway.
Fourth. That as any junction to be formed with a Broad
Gauge line would involve a break of gauge, provided our first
recommendation be adopted, great commercial convenience
would be obtained by reducing the gauge of the present
Broad Gauge lines to the Narrow Gauge of 4 feet 8| inches ;
and we therefore think it desirable that some equitable
means should be found of producing such centre uniformity of
gauge, or of adopting such other course as would admit of
the Narrow Gauge carriages passing, without interruption or
danger, along the Broad Gauge lines.
(Signed) J. M. FREDERIC SMITH, (L.S.)
Limt.- Colonel Royal Engineers.
G. B. AIRY, (L.S.)
Astronomer Royal.
PETER BARLOW. (L.S.)
APPENDIX C.
MR BRUNEL'S REPORT TO THE SOUTH DEVON RAILWAY
DIRECTORS, URGING THE ADOPTION OF THE ATMO-
SPHERIC SYSTEM.
I HAVE given much consideration to the question referred to
me by you at your last meeting, namely, that of the advan-
tage of the application of the Atmospheric System to the
South Devon Railway. The question is not new to me, as I
have foreseen the possibility of its arising, and have fre-
quently considered it.
I shall assume, an^ I am not aware that it is disputed by
anybody, that stationary power, if freed from the weight and
friction of any medium of communication, such as a rope,
must be cheaper, is more under command and is susceptible
of producing much higher speeds than locomotive power ; and
when it is considered that for high speeds, such as 60 miles
an hour, the locomotive engine with its tender cannot weigh
much less than half of the gross weight of the train, the
advantage and economy of dispensing with the necessity of
putting this great weight also in motion will be evident. I
must assume, also, that as a means of applying stationary
power, the Atmospheric System has been successful, and that,
unless where under some very peculiar circumstances it is
unapplicable, it is a good economical mode of applying
stationary power.
I am aware that this opinion is directly opposed to that of
Mr Robert Stephenson, who has written and published an
elaborate statement of experiments and calculations founded
upon them, the results of which support his opinion. It does
not seem to me that we can obtain the minute data required
for the mathematical investigation of such a question, and
that such calculations, dependent as they are upon an un-
attained precision in experiments, are as likely to lead you
very far from the truth as not. By the same mode M. Mallet
and other French engineers have proved the success of the
system ; and by the same mode of investigation Dr Lardner
359
360 Appendix.
arrived at all those results regarding steam navigation and
the speed to be attained on railways which have since proved
so erroneous. Experience has led me to prefer what some
may consider a more superficial, and what I should call a
more general and broader view, and more capable of embrac-
ing all the conditions of the question — a practical view.
Having considered the subject for several years past, I
have cautiously, and without any cause for a favourable bias,
formed an opinion, which subsequent experiments at Dalkey
have fully proved to be correct; viz., that the mere mechani-
cal difficulties can be overcome, and that the full effect of the
partial vacuum, produced by an air-pump, can be communi-
cated, without any loss or friction worth taking into considera-
tion, to a piston attached to the train. In this point of view,
the experiment at Dalkey has entirely succeeded. A system
of machinery, which, even at the first attempt, works without
interruption, and, constantly, for many months may be con-
sidered practically to be free from any mechanical objection.
No locomotive line that I have been connected with has been
equally free from accidents. That which is true for one rail-
way of 2 miles in length, is equally true for a second or third
although they may be placed the one at the end of the other ;
the chances of an accident are only in the proportion ot the
number, or, in other words, the length, a proportion which
holds equally good with locomotives, except that a locomotive
may be affected by the distance it has previously run, while a
stationary engine and its pipes cannot in like manner be
affected by the previous working of the neighbouring engine
and pipes. In my opinion, the Atmospheric System is, so
far as any stationary power can be, as applicable to a great
length of line as it is to a short one. Upon all these points
I could advance many arguments and many proofs, but I
shall content myself with saying that, as a professional man,
I express a decided opinion that, as a mechanical contrivance,
the Atmospheric apparatus has succeeded perfectly as an
effective means of working trains by stationary power, whether
on long or short lines, at higher velocity and with less chance
of interruption than is now effected by locomotives.
I will now proceed to consider the question of the advan-
tage of its application to the South Devon Railway. It will
simplify the discussion of the question very much if it is
considered as a comparison between a double line worked by
locomotives in the usual manner, and a single line of railway
worked by stationary power, the only peculiarity of the present
case being that upon four separate portions of the whole
Appendix. 361
52 miles, stationary assistant power would, under any circum-
stances, have been used, these four inclines forming together
one-fifth of the whole distance.
It is necessary to consider it as a question of a single line
on account of the expense, the cost of the pipe for each line
being about .£3500 per mile. An addition of .£7000 per mile,
or of about .£330,000 in the first construction, could not be
counterbalanced by any adequate advantage in the saving in
the works on the South Devon Railway, and probably not by
any subsequent economy or advantage in the working ; but the
system admits of the working with a single line, without
danger of collision, certainly with less than upon a double
locomotive line. And I believe also, that considering the
absence of most of the causes of accidents, there will be even
less liability of interruption, and less delay in the average,
resulting from accidents than in the ordinary double loco-
motive railway.
By the modification of the gradients and by reducing the
curves to 1000 feet radius where any great advantage can be
gained by so doing, and by constructing the cuttings, embank-
ments, tunnels and viaducts for a single line, a considerable
saving may be effected in the first cost.
In the permanent way and ballasting, the reduction will
be about one-half. I should propose to make the rails about
52 Ibs. weight, and the timber 12 inches by 6 inches ; the
quantity of ballast would probably be rather more than half,
but at the present prices of iron and timber the saving could
not be less than £2500 per mile.
From a careful revision of the works generally, I consider
that a reduction may be effected in the following items and to
the amount specified in each, viz., ballasting, gradients and
curves : —
Reduction in earth work, . . .£16,500 o o
Reduction in length of principal
tunnel, ..... 14,000 o o
£30,500 o o
Saving by Single Line.
Earth work, £25,000 o o
Tunnels, ..... 11,500 o o
Viaducts, ..... 15,000 o o
Carry forward, £82,000 o o
362
Appendix.
Brought forward,
Permanent Way and Ballast,
To allow for sidings, say 50 miles,
£2500,
Per Contra.
Pipe on 41^ miles,
Increase on inclined planes, 10^
miles, .....
Engines for the 41 f miles, .
Patent right, say, ....
Total,
The difference in first cost, there-
fore, is, .
To this must, however, be added
the cost of the locomotive
power, with its attendant ex-
penses of engine houses, etc.,
which cannot, I think, be put
at less than, ....
Making a saving of
£82,000 o o
£125,000- o o
£207,000 o o
£138,000 o o
6,500 o o
35,000 o o
10,000 o o
£190,000 o o
£17,000 o o
50,000 o o
£67,000 o o
I have not included in the expense of the Atmospheric
apparatus that of the telegraph, because, at its present reduced
cost of £ 1 60 per mile, I am convinced its use would repay the
outlay in either case.
It would appear, then, that the line can be constructed and
furnished with the moving power in working order on the
Atmospheric System, for something less than the construction
only of the railway fitted for the locomotive power, but with-
out the engines, and that, taking into consideration the cost of
locomotive power, a saving in first outlay may be effected of
upwards of £60,000.
But it is in the subsequent working that I believe the
advantages will be most sensible.
In the first place, with the gradients and curves of the
South Devon Railway between Newton and Plymouth, a
speed of 30 miles per hour would have been, for loco-
motives, a high speed, and under unfavourable circumstances
Appendix 363
of weather and of load it would probably have been found
difficult and expensive to have maintained even this ; with
the Atmospheric, and with the dimensions of pipes I have
assumed, a speed of 40 to 50 miles may certainly be depended
upon, and I have no doubt that from 25 to 35 minutes may
be saved in the journey.
Secondly, the cost of running a few additional trains, so
far as the power is concerned, is so small, the plant of engines,
the attendance of enginemen, etc., remaining the same, that
it may almost be neglected in the calculations, so that short
trains, or extra trains with more frequent departures, adapted
in every respect to the varying demands of the public, can be
worked at a very moderate cost.
I have no doubt that a considerable augmentation of the
general traffic will be thus effected by means which, with
locomotive engines, would be very expensive and frequently
unattainable, particularly as regards one class of short trains,
whether for passengers or goods, which, from the inconveni-
ence of working them by locomotives, are hardly known — I
refer to trains between the intermediate stations.
By many means, which the easy command of a motive
power at any time, at every part of a line, must afford of
accommodating the public, I believe the traffic may be
increased. It appears to me also that the quality of the
travelling will be much improved ; that we shall attain greater
speed, less noise and motion, and an absence of the coke
dust, which is certainly still a great nuisance ; and an induce-
ment will thus be held out to those (the majority of travellers)
who travel either solely for pleasure, or, at least, not from
necessity, and who are mainly influenced by the degree of
comfort with which they can go from place to place. Lastly,
the average cost of working the trains will be much less than
by locomotives.
With the gradients of the South Devon Railway, and
assuming that not less than eight trains, including mail and
goods trains, running the whole distance, and certainly one
short train running half the distance, be the least number
that would suffice, I think an annual saving of £80,000 a
year in locomotive expenses, including allowance for deprecia-
tion of plant, may very safely be relied on.
For all the reasons above quoted, I have no hesitation in tak-
ing upon myself the full and entire responsibility of recom-
mending the adoption of the Atmospheric System on the South
Devon Railway, and of recommending as a consequence that
the line and works should be constructed for a single line only.
APPENDIX D.
MR BRUNEL'S REPORT TO THE SOUTH DEVON RAILWAY
DIRECTORS, ADVISING THE WITHDRAWAL OF THE AT-
MOSPHERIC PRINCIPLE AFTER ONE YEAR'S EXPERIENCE
OF THE SYSTEM.
You have called upon me to report to you upon the present
state of the Atmospheric apparatus, and particularly upon the
circumstances connected with the partial destruction of the
longitudinal valve, which has lately occurred, and the pro-
bability of remedying this serious defect, and of keeping the
valve in repair and in good working order.
Such a report involves necessarily the consideration of
the whole question of our experience of the working of the
Atmospheric System, because to arrive at any clear ap-
preciation of the present state of the apparatus, I must refer
to the circumstances which have affected our working up to
the present time, and particularly to the several difficulties
which we have had to encounter, and their effects. The first
difficulty, and one which was as unexpected as it was serious,
was in the working of our stationary engines.
Upon the efficiency of these machines must, of course,
ultimately depend the economy and efficiency of the work-
ing of the whole system, however perfect in itself might be
the Atmospheric apparatus. Accordingly, great precautions
were taken — precautions which I still think such as to justify
the expectation that we should secure the best engines that
could be made.
The three first manufacturers of the day were employed —
Messrs Maudslay (who had had some experience in this par-
ticular branch, having made the engines for the Croydon
Railway), Messrs Boulton & Watts, and Messrs Rennie.
They prepared their own designs, and I know that they each
bestowed much thought in the preparation of these designs,
and took considerable interest in the results.
Mr Samuda, a man of considerable mechanical abilities,
having all the experience that could be had upon the subject,
364
Appendix. 365
and deeply interested in the success of the engines, was also
employed to superintend their manufacture.
Notwithstanding all these precautions, notwithstanding
excellent workmanship, these engines have not, on the whole,
proved successful ; none of them have as yet worked very
economically, and some are very extravagant in the con-
sumption of fuel, burning nearly double the quantity of
others, while the average is very considerably more than it
ought to be.
The apparent causes of this excess are various in the
different engines, but all resulting more or less apparently
from the want of experience in this particular application of
power, and from the circumstance of the form of the engines
being somewhat novel, and involving slight differences in the
proportion and arrangement of the parts, and the consump-
tion of steam being greater than was calculated upon, it has
been obtained by a more wasteful expenditure of fuel, and the
evil has been aggravated.
The difficulty of remedying this state of things has been
increased by the consequence of defects in the Atmospheric
apparatus, which, causing a much greater demand upon the
working of the engines, has delayed, or has entirely prevented,
our throwing an engine out of work, to introduce the re-
quisite improvements. Still, so far as this defect in the
engines is concerned, there is no doubt that it is susceptible
of considerable, if not complete remedy, and that a reduction
of one-third may be effected in the consumption of fuel. In
the Atmospheric apparatus itself, our difficulties have been
more numerous. We have suffered from extreme cold, par-
ticularly when it followed quickly upon wet. We have
suffered from extreme heat, and also from heavy falls of
rain. These difficulties have in turn been encountered and
gradually overcome, and I think the effects of all these causes
upon a valve in good condition may now be obviated, if not
entirely, yet so much so as to render their operation unim-
portant. The same remedy applies to all three, keeping the
leather of the valve oiled and varnished, and rendering it
impervious to the water, which otherwise soaks through it in
wet weather, or which freezes it in cold, rendering it too stiff
to shut down ; and the same precaution prevents the leather
being dried up and shrivelled by the heat ; for this, and not
the melting of the composition, is the principal inconvenience
resulting from heat. A little water spread on the valve from
a tank in the piston carriage has also been found to be useful
in very dry weather, showing that the dryness, and not the
366 Appendix,
heat, was the cause of the leakage ; but a new difficulty has
arisen, and a new defect has been discovered, one much more
serious in its extent and its possible consequences, and one
which renders the operation on each of the previously men-
tioned causes of difficulty much more powerful and mis-
chievous. Within the last few months, but more particularly
during the dry weather of last May and June, a considerable
extent of longitudinal valve failed by the tearing of the
leather at the joints between the plates. The leather first
partially cracked at these points, which caused a considerable
leakage, particularly in dry weather. After a time it tears
completely through, and that part of the valve is destroyed,
and requires to be replaced.
A considerable extent has thus been replaced, but the
whole of the valve is more or less defective from this cause.
The amount of leakage is considerable, and the working al-
together inefficient. I have examined carefully portions of
the valve that have been removed, and I find that at the part
which has given way, the texture of the leather seems to be
destroyed — it is black, and has evidently been acted upon by
the iron of the plates. Upon some parts of the line, the in-
jury seems to be more general than upon others, but it is
very difficult to examine the valve in place, so as to form any
correct opinion of the extent of the evil. As regards the cause
of this defect, Mr Samuda, who, under his contract, is at present
liable for the repair of the valve, urges that the valve was kept
for a length of time in cases after it was delivered to the com-
pany, and that, exposed to damp, and the oil in the leather
not being renewed on the surface, the iron may have rusted
and the leather have been injured, and he refers to instances
lately observed, in which valves taken out of the top of a
case which has been exposed to wet do show similar signs of
injury. Supposing, however, this assumption to be correct,
it would not seem to affect the question of his liability. He
suggests also, as a cause, that the valve remained for a length
of time in place before being used, and even worked over by
locomotive engines, which prevented it being oiled and pro-
perly attended to ; that the evil has been aggravated by an
attempt to reduce too much the use of oil to the leather ; and
lastly, that the piston-gear has been allowed to get out of
adjustment, so that the leather of the valve has been strained.
I shall not, however, here enter into the discussion of this
question of liability, but confine myself to the consideration
of the evil, and the possibility of remedying it. Of the ex-
tent of the evil, for the reason I have given, it is impossible to
Appendix, 367
form any accurate opinion ; it is impossible, therefore, to say
that it does not extend more or less over the whole distance,
excepting, of course, that which has been already replaced.
That which has been injured cannot be repaired in place, but
must be removed, and the remedy can only be applied in the
new valve. It is quite possible that a valve made in the
same manner as the present, if properly attended to from the
first, and with our present experience, might not be subject to
this destruction ; and Mr Samuda states that such is the case
at Dalkey, but I do not think that I could rely upon this
result. By painting, but better still by zincing or galvanising
the iron plates, and making them overlap a short distance,
both the chemical and the mechanical action of the plate
upon the leather appears to be prevented, and I believe,
therefore, that this evil may be remedied at a small increased
cost in any new or repaired valve that might be laid down ;
but of the existing valve I can say no more than I have done.
It is not now in good working condition, and I see no im-
mediate prospect of its being rendered so. From the fore-
going observations, it will be evident that I cannot consider
the result of our experience of the working between Exeter
and Newton such as to induce one to recommend the exten-
sion of the system. I believe that, if the longitudinal valve were
restored, the working expenses might be immensely reduced ;
that the quantity of fuel consumed, which is the great item of
expense, may be diminished by one-third ; that the price of the
fuel, which costs i8s. per ton at the engine houses, ought to
be reduced, at least, 1 2 per cent, and that the total cost may
thus be brought down to a moderate amount, such as I had
originally calculated upon. But the cost of construction has
far exceeded our expectations, and the difficulty of working
a system so totally different from that to which everybody —
traveller as well as workmen — is accustomed, have proved too
great ; and therefore, although, no doubt, after some further
trial, great reductions may be made in the cost of working the
portion now laid, I cannot anticipate the possibility of any in-
ducement to continue the system beyond Newton. With re-
spect to the future working of the apparatus between Exeter and
Newton, I feel in great difficulty as to expressing any opinion,
seeing that a very large expense has been incurred ; and be-
lieving, as I do, that the cost of working may be so very much
reduced ; but that the reduction can only be effected by the
almost entire renewal of the valve, and by some expenditure
in the engines. And unless Mr Samuda, or the patentees,
undertake the first, and extend considerably the period dur-
368 Appendix.
ing which they would maintain it in repair ; and unless they
can offer some guarantee for the efficiency of that valve, I
fear that the company would not be justified in taking that
upon themselves, or incurring the expense attending the al-
teration of the engines. I believe that for the inclined planes,
as an assistant power, the apparatus will be found applicable
and efficient ; and as the engines and the pipes are nearly ready
at Dainton, it may be found desirable to try it there, pro-
vided a satisfactory arrangement can be entered into for the
maintenance and efficiency of the valve. I have not referred
to our .great disappointment in not obtaining the assistance
of the telegraph in the working of the engines, and the
greatly increased consumption of coal consequent upon the
working of the engines unnecessarily, because this evil is now
nearly removed ; but some further reductions may still be
made by using the telegraph by night as well as day, which
has not yet been in our power to do, but which, I trust, will
be commenced this week.
INDEX
ACCIDENTS, 126, 180, 271, 272, 275.
,, to Narrow Gauge Experi-
mental Train, 140.
Amalgamation of Railway Companies,
107, 120, 159, 229, 231, 232, 240, 253.
Atmospheric Railways, 199, 206, 230.
,, Brunei, 212.
,, Clark and Varley's,
215-
,, Samuda, Report on,
207.
,, South Devon, Aban-
don, 212, 214.
,, South Devon, First
Trains, 210, 211.
BABBAGE'S Experiments, 59.
Bidder, and the Narrow Gauge Experi-
ments, 138, 139.
Birmingham, Bristol and Thames Junc-
tion Railway, 12.
,, Broad Gauge Line to,
157, 254.
,, Broad Gauge Line,
Opening of, 180.
,, and Gloucester Railway,
Opening of, 105.
,, and Oxford Junction
Railway, 157.
Bodmin and Wadebridge Railway, 220.
Box Tunnel, Cort's Description of, 5.
, , Gooch's Description of, 6 1 .
,, Opponents' Description of,
7, 49-
,, Gooch's Adventure in, 61.
Bridge, Chepstow, 238.
,, Maidenhead, 40.
,, Saltash, 222.
,, Usk, Burning of, 236.
Bristol and Exeter Railway, 73, 74, 166,
191.
,, Exeter and Crediton Railway,
1 60.
,, and Gloucester Railway, Open-
ing of, 74.
Brunei, Isambard Kingdom.
,, Appointed Engineer of Great
Western Railway, 2.
Brunei, Atmospheric, 212 (and Ap-
pendix).
,, Broad Gauge, 16, 152.
,, Candid Letter to Great West-
ern Railway Directors, 2.
,, Evidence in favour of Great
Western Bill, 4.
• ,, Flying Arches, 238.
, , Ferrying Trains across Severn,
241.
,, Gauge Commissioners' Ap-
preciation of, 147.
,, Omitted- to mention Great
Western Railway Gauge, 7.
,, Report to Great Western
Directors, 18.
,, Sketch of Career, 87.
CANALS, 279.
,, Dividends of, 279.
,, Great Western Railway,
Owner of, 280.
Capital of Great Western Railway, 320.
,, Expenditure, 321.
Channel Islands Service, 264.
,, ,, Improved, 267.
Cheltenham and Great Western Union
Railway, 63.
Chepstow Bridge, 238.
Cloak-Room, The first, 82.
Cobden's Resolution on Gauges, 120.
Conversion from Broad to Narrow
Gauge (see Gauges).
' Cornishman," 125.
,, Last Broad Gauge, 288.
Cornwall Railway, 218, 220.
Board of Trade Re-
port in favour of,
219.
,, Minerals Railway, 231.
Corridor Trains, 313.
DARTMOOR Railway, 206.
Different Gauges (see Gauges).
Double Gauge (see Gauges).
ELECTRIC Tablet Working, 312.
Eton College objects to Railway, 6, 7.
2 A
Index,
Eton College circumvented by Great
Western Railway, 8.
Euston Station, Great Western Rail-
way propose to use, 6, 9.
Excursion, First, on Great Western
Railway, 81.
Exeter and Crediton Railway, Broad
Gauge, 159.
Exeter and Crediton Railway, altered
to Narrow Gauge, 163.
Exeter and Crediton Railway, Great
Western Trains on, 165.
Exeter and Crediton Railway, Hay-
making on, 164.
Exeter and Crediton Railway, recon-
verted to Broad Gauge, 164.
Exeter Expresses, 125, 127, 128.
,, Great Western Mixed Gauge
to, 182.
,, Narrow Gauge Railway author-
ised to, 167.
,, New Great Western Route to,
281.
Extensions in Cornwall, 316.
' FAIRFIELD ' combined Engine and
Carriage, 195.
Fenton, Sir M., and Metropolitan
Railway Crisis, 259.
Flying Arches, 238.
'Flying Dutchman,' 125.
„ Accident to, 271.
French Diligences conveyed by Rail-
way, 145.
GAUGES, Battle of the, in 1847, 166.
,, Battle of the, Broad Gauge
Leaders, 84.
,, Battle of the, Conclusions of
House of Lords, 154.
,, Battle of the, Fight for the
Oxford and Rugby, 118.
, , Battle of the, Fight for the Ox-
ford and Birmingham, 157-
„ Battle of the, Resolution for
Select Committee, 120.
,, Break of, first, 105.
,, ,, in Germany, 109.
,, ,, Punch on, III.
,, ,, Remedies for, 108.
„ Broad, Acts obtained in
1845, 121.
,, Broad, Acts obtained in
1846, 165.
,, Broad, Advantages of, 38.
,, Broad, Brunei's reason for
adopting, 16.
,, Broad, Dissatisfaction with,
1 8.
,, Broad, Economy of, 148.
Gauges, Broad, Epitaph of, 304.
„ Broad, Extent of, in 1876, 282.
,, Broad, Funeral Sermon of,
283.
,, Broad, Gooch's Views on,
65-
,, Broad, Last Trains, 291, 292,
293-
,, Broad, Narrow Gauge ap-
preciation of, 316.
,, Broad, Petitions in favour of,
"3-
,, Broad, Popularity of, 150.
,, Broad, safer at high speeds,
146.
,, Broad, Shareholders in
favour of, 38.
,, Broad, Smoothness of travel-
ling on, 146.
,, Broad, Superiority of,
vehicles, 146.
,, Broad, Wood's Reports on,
36, 37;
,, Commissioners, 121, 128.
,, Commissioners, Appreciation
of Great Western Railway
by, 147.
,, Commissioners, Conclusions
of, 142, 144 and 145.
,, Commissioners, Cost of,
149.
,, Commissioners, Meetings of,
IS*;
,, Commissioners' Report, Ap-
pendix, 144, and
,, Commissioners' Report, Ob-
servations on, 150.
,, Commissioners' Report, Ob-
servations on, Gauge Com-
missioners' Reply to,
15*;
,, Commissioners' Report, Ad-
ditional Observations on,
T53-.
, , Commissioners, Questions
by, 129.
,, Commissioners, Recommen-
dations of, 149.
,, Commissioners, Witnesses
examined by, 132.
,, Conversion of Broad Gauge,
First, 248.
„ Conversion, Extra Men em-
ployed, 298.
,, Conversion, First Narrow
Gauge Trains, 295.
,, Conversion, Fox well on,
296.
,, Conversion, Gloucester to
Grange Court, 249.
Index.
Gauges, Conversion, Last Broad
Gauge Trains, 293.
,, Conversion, London and
South - Western Railway
assist at, 287, 294.
,, Conversion, Locomotives,
304-
,, Conversion, Mail Service
during, 294.
,, Conversion, Operations
necessary, 300.
„ Conversion, Punch's Poem,
3I7-
,, Conversion, Results of, 311.
,, Conversion, Rolling Stock,
304-
,, Conversion, Table of Lines
converted, 251.
,, Conversion, Traffic Arrange-
ments, 286.
,, Experiments, Accident to
Narrow Gauge Train, 140.
,, Experiments, Broad Gauge
,, Triumphs, 141.
,, Experiments, Unfairness of
Narrow Gauge Tactics,
134, 138-
,, Mixed, 171.
,, Mixed, to Exeter, 182.
„ Mixed, First Line, 177.
,, Mixed, Locke on, 173.
,, Mixed, Morning Herald on,
174.
„ Mixed, Safety of, 177.
,, Mixed, R. Stephenson on, 172.
,, Mixed, 'Turn off,' 179.
,, Narrow, First Train from
Paddington, 180.
,, Narrow, Carriages, 262.
,, Narrow, Inconvenience to
Travellers, no.
,, Regulation of Gauge Bill,
155-
Gooch, Sir Daniel.
,, Appreciation of Broad Gauge,
65-.
,, Appointed Loco. Superintend-
ent, 64.
,, Chairman, 100.
,, created Baronet, 99.
,, commenced Duties, 99.
,, Death, 100.
,, Description of Original Great
Western Locomotives, 56, 70.
Experiments by, 174.
,, Locomotives by, 183, 196, 197,
257.
,, Marriage, 100.
,, retired, 99, 263.
,, Kuabon Coal Company, 254.
Gooch, Sketch of Life, 93.
,, voted ^"5000, 100.
Gradients, n, 49, 135 (Bristol and
Exeter), 74 ; (Cornwall Minerals),
232 ; (South Devon), 203.
G.W. Ry., I.
,, Act, Cost of, 8.
,, Act, Cost of endeavour to obtain
Original Bill, 6
,, Act, Royal Assent to, 7.
,, and Birmingham and Oxford
Junction Railway, 159.
,, and Cornwall Railway, 229.
,, and Cornwall Minerals Railway,
232.
,, and Devon and Somerset Rail-
way, 252.
,, and South Wales Railway, 240.
,, and West Cornwall Railway, 231.
,, and West Midland Railway, 248.
,, and Wycombe Railway, 248.
Canals, 280.
First Bill, 3 ; thrown out, 3.
Gauge of, 6.
Mileage, 321.
Statistical Information, 82, 322.
HAYLE Railway, 230.
KINGSBRIDGE Railway, 204.
LEADING Railways, 320.
Lines Leased by Great Western Rail-
way, 322.
Locke on Mixed and Double Gauge,
173-
Locomotives- —
' yEolus,' 53, 56.
Bristol and Exeter, 191.
Broad and Narrow Gauge compared,
148.
' Corsair,' 196.
' Cornishman ' Engines, 192.
Early, ordered by Brunei, 65.
' Elk,' 190.
' Evening Star,' 69.
' Firefly ' and ' Fury ' Classes, 69.
Gooch's Description of, 56, 70.
' Great Western,' 183.
' Hercules,' 140.
' Hurricane," 67.
' Ixion,' 134, 137.
List of First Broad Gauge, 66.
List of ' Great Western ' Class, 187.
' Lord of the Isles,' 186.
Metropolitan, 257, 261.
Narrow Gauge for Gauge Experi-
ments, 131, 137.
' North Star,' 52.
' Pluto,' 196.
372
Index.
Locomotives —
' Premier,' 67, 190.
' Queen,' 190.
' Samson,' 137.
Seven Feet coupled, 197.
South Devon, 196.
' Thunderer, 67.
'Vale of Neath,' 198.
' Vulcan,' 59.
London and Birmingham Railway
Schemes, 4, 118, 122, 157.
London and Birmingham Railway, Ex-
traordinary proceedings of, 158.
London and Birmingham Railway, Ex-
traordinary proceedings of, Parlia-
mentary Enquiry into, 159.
London and Birmingham Railway,
Parliamentary Enquiry into extra-
ordinary proceedings results in
favour of Great Western Railway,
159-
London and North Western Railway
(see London and Birmingham Rail-
way).
London and South Western Railway
and Exeter and Crediton Railway,
1 60, 165.
London and South Western Railway
Schemes, 116, 168, 170, 218, 316.
London Time, 105.
MAIDENHEAD Bridge, 40, 42.
Mail Robbery, 75.
Metropolitan Railway, 256.
,, ,, Great Northern Loco-
motives work, 259.
,, ,, Level Crossing, 262.
,, ,, Opening of, 258.
,, ,, Sir M. Fenton works
the traffic under
difficulties, 259.
Midland Railway and Birmingham and
Gloucester Railway, 107.
Midland Railway, Broad Gauge Line
of, 115.
Mixed Gauge (see Gauges).
NASH and the Luggage Robberies, 78.
OPENING of Bath and Bristol, 59.
,, Birmingham and Glou-
cester, 105.
,, Birmingham and Oxford
Junction, 180.
,, Bodmin and Wadebridge,
220.
,, Bristol and Gloucester, 74.
,, Bristol and South Western
Union, 240.
,, Bristol and Exeter, 74.
,, Falmouth, 229.
Opening of Great Western, 53, 61.
,, Great Western, Woods' ac-
count of, 54.
,, Gloucester, no.
,, Kingsbridge, 204.
,, London and South Western
Railway to Exeter, 168.
Metropolitan, 258.
Milford Haven, 264.
New Quay, 232.
Oxford, 73.
Reading, 59.
South Devon, 209, 215.
Teign Valley, 277.
Twyford, 58.
Torquay, 216.
Truro, 221.
Oxford opposes a Railway, 6.
Oxford, Worcester and Wolverhampton
Railway abandon Broad Gauge, 247.
PADDINGTON Station, Description of,
IX.
,, ,, Extension to, n.
,, ,, Frith's picture of, II.
,, ,, Lighted by Elec-
tricity, 276.
* , , , , Narrow Gauge Lines
to, 1 80.
Passengers on Great Western, 81, 322.
Permanent Way, 16.
Petition in favour of Broad Gauge, 113.
Punch on the Break of Gauge, in.
Punch and the Abolition of Broad
Gauge, 317.
QUEEN'S First Journey by Rail, 62.
„ Saloon, 62.
RATES and Taxes, 57.
Revenue of Great Western Railway,
early, 57.
Revenue of Great Western Railway
in 1894, 322.
Rolling Stock, Brunei's ideas regarding,
?i-
Conversion of, 304, 308.
Description of Original. 71.
propelled by Wind, 57.
Statements, 68, 82, 321.
Weight of, 26, 314,
Robberies, 75, 78.
Royal Albert Bridge, 222.
Russell, Mr C., 254.
SALTASH Bridge, 222.
Samuda, Mr, 207.
Saunders, Mr C. A., Bribe of .£25,000
offered to, 102.
,, Death of, 103.
Index.
i i-r *<
o/ o
Saunders, Mr C. A., Presentation to,
101.
,, Resignation of, 103.
,, Retiring Pension to, 103.
,, Secretary and Superintend-
ent, 101.
Saunders, MrF. G., Funeral Sermon of
Broad Gauge, 283.
Severn Tunnel, 241.
,, First Train through, 244.
,, Gradients, 243.
,, Opening of, 245.
Snowstorm, 277.
South Devon Railway — (see also
Atmospheric).
Gradients, 203.
Locomotives, 196.
Locomotive Power on, 215.
Projected, 199.
Viaducts, 205.
.South Wales Railway, 234.
,, First Engine on, 239.
,, Speed on, 235.
,, to be made Broad
Gauge, 155.
,, Viaducts, 236.
Speed on Different Railwaysin 1845, 12^-
,, South Wales Railway, 235.
,, Superiority on Broad Guage,
146, 184, 192, 235.
Stephenson, G., and the Box Tunnel, 48-
,, R., (see Gauge, Mixed).
Statistical Information, 321, 322.
Sturrock, 260.
TAW Vale Railway, 160.
Telegraph, Electric, 49, 58.
Telescopic Axles, 144.
Third-Class Passengers, 80, 278.
Travelling Porter, 188.
Torbay and Brixham Railway, 216.
VIADUCT, Wharncliffe, 12, 42.
,, Wooden, 204, 236.
WEST Cornwall Railway, 229.
West Midland Railway, 248.
Weymouth Train Service, 264.
Wharncliffe Viaduct ,12, 42.
Wood, N., Description of Great
\Vestern Permanent Way,
1 6.
,, Journey on Great Western
"Railway, 54.
, , Reports against Broad Gauge,
36, 37-
Wycombe Railway, 248.
THE END
LONDON : DIGBY, LONG & COMPANY, Publishers,
1 8 Bouverie Street, Fleet Street, E.G.
A Selection from Digby, Long & Co. 's Catalogue.
The Autobiography of an Old Passport, 1839=1889, chiefly
relating how we accomplished many Driving Tours with our
own English Horses, over the roads of Western Europe before
the time of Railways. By the REV. ALFRED CHARLES SMITH,
M. A., Author of ' Attractions of the Nile,' ' A Sporting Tour in
Portugal,' 'A Pilgrimage through Palestine,' etc., etc. With
numerous illustrations. Royal 8vo, cloth extra, price 215-.
' There is a refreshing flavour in these chatty Diaries . . . these lively and amusing re-
miniscences. . . . There is nothing in the tours and trips of to-day to compare with them in
charm.' — Daily News.
Winter and Summer Excursions in Canada. By C. L.
JOHNSTONE, Author of 'Historical Families of Dumfriesshire,'
etc. With Illustrations. Crown 8vo, cloth extra, price 6s.
' Not for a long while have we read a book of its class which deserves so much confidence.
Intending settlers would do well to study Mr Johnstone's book.' — Daily News.
Nigh on Sixty Years at Sea. By ROBERT WOOLWARD ('Old
Woolward'). Crown 8vo, cloth, 6s. With Portrait.
\Second Edition.
' Very entertaining reading. Captain Woolward writes sensibly and straightforwardly, and
tells his story with the frankness of an old salt. He has a keen sense of humour, and his stories
are endless and very entertaining.' — The Times.
Leading Women of the Restoration. ""By GRACE JOHNSTONE.
Demy 8vo, cloth extra. With Portraits, price 6s.
' This is a very readable book. . . . This book, indeed, contains a few valuable lives, told fully
and fairly, of women who deserve to be remembered.' — Literary World.
' This entertaining work. . . . This is essentially a book of historic value.' — Public Opinion.
Three Empresses. Josephine, Marie-Louise, Eugenie. By
CAROLINE GEAREY, Author of ' In other Lands,' etc. With
Portraits. Crown 8vo, cloth extra, 6^. [Second Edition.
' This charming book. . . . Gracefully and graphically written, the story of each Empress is
clearly and fully told. . . This delightful book.' — Pall Mall Gazette.
Sixty Years' Experience as an Irish Landlord. Memoirs
of JOHN HAMILTON, D.L., of St Ernan's, Donegal. Edited,
with Introduction, by the REV. H. C. WHITE, late Chaplain,
Paris. Crown 8vo, cloth extra, price 6s. With Portrait.
' Much valuable light on the real history of Ireland, and of the Irish agrarian question in the
present century, is thrown by a very interesting volume entitled " Sixty Years' Experience as an
Irish Landlord. " . . . This very instructive volume.' — The Times.
The Author's Manual. By PERCY RUSSELL. With Prefatory
Remarks by Mr GLADSTONE. Crown 8vo, cloth, 3^. 6d. net.
(Eighth and Cheaper Edition.} With Portrait.
' Mr Russell's book is a very complete manual and guide for journalist and author. It is not
a merely practical work — it is literary and appreciative of literature in its best sense ; . . . we
have little else but praise for the volume.' — The Westminster Review.
A Guide to British and American Novels. From the
Earliest Period to the end of 1894. By PERCY RUSSELL,
Author of 'The Author's Manual,' etc. Crown 8vo, cloth,
price 35. 6d. net. (Second Edition carefully revised?)
' Mr Russell's familiarity with every form of novel is amazing, and his summaries of plots and
comments thereon are as brief and lucid as they are various.'— The Spectator.
London: DIGBY, LONG & GO,, Publishers,
18 Bouverie Street, Fleet Street, E.G.
A Selection from Digby, Long & Go's Catalogue,
NEW NOVEL BY DORA RUSSELL.
The Other Bond. By the Author of 'A Hidden Chain,' 'A
Country Sweetheart,' etc., etc. Crown 8vo, cloth, 6s.
[Third Edition. Just out.
' Miss Russell writes easily and well, and she has the gift of making her characters describe
themselves by their dialogue, which is bright and natural." — The Atheniriuu.
' One of the best novels from the pen of Miss Dora Russell.' — The Liverpool Post.
NEW NOVEL BY L. T. MEADE.
A Life for a Love, By the Author of 'The Medicine Lady,'
' A Soldier of Fortune,' ' In an Iron Grip,' etc., etc. Crown 8vo,
cloth, 6s. With a Frontispiece by Hal Hurst.
[Third Edition. Just out.
' This thrilling tale. The plot is worked out with remarkable ingenuity. The book abounds
in clever and graphic characterisation.' — The Daily Telegraph.
NEW NOVEL BY FLORENCE MARRYAT.
The Beautiful Soul. By the Author of ' A Fatal Silence,' ' There
is no Death,' etc., etc. Crown 8vo, cloth, 6s.
[Fourth Edition. Just out.
'We read the book with real pleasure and interest. ... In Felicia Hetherington, Miss
Marryat has drawn a really fine character, and has given her what she claims for her in the title,
a beautiful soul.' — The Guardian.
' An entertaining and animated story. . . , One of the most lovable women to whom novel
readers have been introduced.'. — The World.
NEW NOVEL BY DR ARABELLA KENEALY.
Some Men are such Gentlemen. By the Author of ' Dr
Janet of Harley Street,' ' Molly and Her Man-o'-War,' etc.
Crown 8vo, cloth, 6s. With a Frontispiece.
[Third Edition. Just out.
' The characters have a very unusual degree of originality about them. The story has abund-
ance of incident.' — The Daily Telegraph.
NEW NOVEL BY ANNIE THOMAS (Mrs FENDER CUDI.IP).
False Pretences. By the Author of 'Allerton Towers,' 'That
Other Woman,' ' Kate Valliant,' 'A Girl's Folly,' etc., etc.
NOTE. — This Novel is not published in the usual three vol. form, but in one hand-
some volume, cloth bound and gilt lettered, crown 8vo, price 6s.
[Just out.
NEW ROMANCE BY HUME NISBET.
Her Loving Slave. By the Author of ' The Jolly Roger,' ' Bail
Up,' etc., etc. In Handsome Pictorial Binding, with illustra-
tions by the Author. Crown 8vo, cloth 3$. 6d.
[Third Edition. Just out.
' Has abundance of go in it." — The Times.
' It is a good story well told.' — The Standard.
;The whole story is capitally written. The characters are life-like, and the whole is in Mr
Nisbet's best style.' — The St James's Budget.
*#* A complete Catalogue of Novels, Travels, Biographies, Poems,
etc., with a critical or descriptive notice of each, free by post on appli-
cation.
London : DIGBY, LONG & CO., Publishers,
18 Bouverie Street, Fleet Street, E.G.
University of Toronto
Library
DO NOT
REMOVE
THE
CARD
FROM
THIS
POCKET
Acme Library Card Pocket
LOWE-MARTIN CO.